#Neoliberalism aims to reform the conduct of individuals & institutions to make them more competitive & productive. My 2003 PhD explored how this results in regulation which positions employees as (ir)responsible for failing to take adequate measures to protect themselves. #COVID
My thesis utilised qualitative research methods & forms of Critical Discourse Analysis from within a predominantly Foucauldian perspective, to explore the relations between the perceived shift toward an underlying neoliberal political rationality, & emerging forms of regulation.
#Neoliberalism is concerned to reform the conduct of individuals & institutions to make them more competitive & productive.
Research proceeded through analysis of a key cultural technology, the Government's 'Revitalising Health & Safety Strategy Statement', & two case studies.
The Royal Mail adopted a disciplinary regulatory approach to employee health, & a tech-company, a decentred (non)regulatory approach.
The state makes a subject position available for employees characterised by motivation, responsibility & productivity: 'happy, healthy & here'.
An appeal is made to #freedom: companies, groups & individuals are positioned as autonomous & responsible agents. Active participation in health & safety establishes local sites of self government that can be indirectly managed by the technologies of numericisation & performance.
The concept of responsibility is used strategically as a powerful persuasive trope designed to change (or maintain) certain behaviours. At both the Royal Mail & the Tech start-up, employees continued to subjectively experience health problems they understood to be caused by work.
Under contemporary problematisations, employees are positioned as (ir)responsible for failing to take adequate measures to protect themselves.
The employee, caught within competing problematisations, can struggle to achieve an 'authentic' self, & experience (self) blame.
Responsibility for employee health is successfully implanted into companies & employees through modification of localised discursive conditions. Regulation becomes understood as the production of (de)responsibilisation. In the context of COVID, this is now playing out everywhere.
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For six years, privatised Southern Water deliberately poured enormous volumes of untreated sewage into the sea to avoid financial penalties & the cost of upgrading & maintaining infrastructure.
The privatised water company discharged between 16 & 21 BILLION litres of raw sewage into some of the most precious & delicate environments in the country.
But hey, at least the inefficient Marxist nanny state wasn't running it, & the shareholders did extremely well out of it!
“These offences show a shocking & wholesale disregard for the environment, for precious & delicate ecosystems & coastlines, for human health, & for fisheries & other legitimate businesses that operate in the coastal waters,” said the judge.
Two million people could get #COVID19 this summer, meaning up to 10 million isolating in just six weeks, causing chaos for families, businesses & the economy, & dramatically increasing cases of long-covid.
Banker Sajid Javid says we face considerable uncertainty as England enters “uncharted territory”, & infection numbers could easily rise above 100,000/day over the summer.
Sajid Javid is the last person you want making any decisions about public health: he's a banker & a free-market crank - the people who caused the financial crash - he's been brought in to privatise the #NHS.
A firebreak is a gap in combustible material that acts as a barrier to slow or stop the progress of a wildfire.
What Boris Johnson's reckless Government of sociopaths has announced is the opposite of a firebreak: they're doing everything they possibly can to fuel the fire.
This is an incredibly dark time for Britain: we have a pathetically weak opposition, our democracy hangs by a thread, & our broken electoral system has handed unimaginable power to by far the worst UK Govt in history - despite fewer than 3 in 10 of the electorate voting for them.
In a functioning democracy, the powerful are held accountable for their actions. But our Government lies with impunity & misleads constantly, while demonising swathes of the population, & showing utter contempt for voters & flagrant disregard for rules, regulations, codes & laws.
Several governments worried that their pandemic restrictions would quickly lead to “behavioural fatigue” so that people would stop adhering to restrictions. In the UK, Dominic Cummings recently admitted that this was the reason for not locking down the country sooner.
The Govt’s failure to provide financial & other forms of support for people to self-isolate was driven by their fear that the system “might be gamed”, that people who tested positive may falsely claim they'd been in contact with all their friends, so they could all get a payment.
In 'The “Establishment”, the “Elites”, & the “People”:
Who’s who?', linguist Ruth Wodak explores how right-wing populist parties create a division between the 'real' & 'true' people, & the 'elites' or 'the establishment' excluded from the 'true' demos.
There has been an erosion of trust in politics in general - a far more serious threat than the loss of trust towards a specific political party or individual.
It implies a search for alternatives – which is where right‐wing populist & extreme right political parties come in.
We get new & self‐defined saviours of ‘the people’ dominating politics, presenting themselves as authentic & trustworthy, their political rhetoric reliant on the construction of a distinct dichotomy which aims to divide people living in a country into two quasi homogenous blocs: