162 days after they last recessed, JCPOA negotiations resume in Vienna tomorrow.
It's fair to say they are not burdened by the weight of excessive optimism.
A breakdown of what's changed since June, what hasn't, and what to watch [Thread]
2/ Let's start with one big thing that's changed: Iran's government.
Raisi administration is far more conservative in nature, and far less convinced of the merits of engaging the West, than its predecessor. The views of its negotiating team range from JCPOA sceptics to critics.
3/ Iran's nuclear program has continued expanding: Breakout is now estimated at a month, stockpiles at 20 and 60% growing, concern over irreversible knowledge gains deepening and international monitoring/verification hampered by lack of cooperation with IAEA.
4/ Now, absence of negotiations since June does not mean absence of talks. Discussions between the U.S. and P4+1, between Iran and the P4+1, among the P4+1, between the U.S./E3 and regional stakeholders have been constant, especially in past few weeks.
5/ And even as coordinating positions ahead of Vienna talks, greater chatter on fall back options if they stall: Action at an extraordinary BoG session, more concerted/unified Western pressure, speculation on military options, interim deals, etc.
6/ But on this point, an important note to underscore: Discussing Plan B options does not mean Plan A - success in Vienna - is not the preferred objective.
Every official we've spoken to acknowledged challenges ahead, but also the high stakes and serious risks of stalemate.
7/ As far as specifics, the three issues that were under discussion in previous 6 rounds are - or should be - at the heart of what Vienna talks need to tackle: Sanctions, nuclear, and sequencing. None of these can be fully addressed in isolation from the others.
8/ And while the Raisi government has put great emphasis on its ability to nurse Iran's economy even in the absence of sanctions relief, that's optimism verging on fantasy. Even the expansion of economic ties with neighbours has a hard ceiling if JCPOA collapses.
9/ Another thing that hasn't changed is Iranian insistence that talks w/ U.S. be conducted indirectly via P4+1. I've said it before and I'll say it again: This is an utterly unconstructive position adding avoidable burden of time and layer of complication to proceedings.
10/ Indeed, combination of long hiatus, nuclear advances & inconclusive IAEA talks means the clock - already ticking between Apr-Jun - is all the more of a factor now. Foot-dragging or logjams were serious then, and are very much a concern now: something P4+1 seem to agree on.
11/ To put it simply, what we'll start to get a sense of tomorrow is whether the new Iranian team approaching it as the 7th round of previous talks, or the 1st round of new ones.
The former means looking for ways to bridge gaps that had already been narrowed considerably.
12/12 The latter portends a far more difficult proposition that jettisons past progress, introduces new demands, injects new uncertainties and spells an altogether more sobering picture going into the new year.
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1/ Iran has begun commemorating the 1st anniversary of Mohsen Fakhrizadeh's killing.
I think there's a strong argument to be made that after Trump's 2018 JCPOA withdrawal, this is the single most important and consequential event in the current nuclear crisis [thread]
2/ @ronenbergman & @farnazfassihi did a deep dive into the assassination of Iran's top nuclear scientist earlier this year that gets into the why/how of what happened that Fri in Absard. 👇 Long in Israeli crosshairs for his work on Iran's nuclear program.
3/ The Trump admin and Netanyahu government had for several months been discussing the revival of sabotage operations and killing nuclear experts. The then-director of Mossad proposed killing Fakhriazdeh as one option, and Trump admin officials briefed on the idea backed it.
On the JCPOA, guarantees, and political realities: A thread 🧵👇
Let's start with one thing Tehran and many pro-JCPOA voices agree on - the Trump administration's unilateral withdrawal raises real & reasonable concerns regarding Washington's long-term commitment to an agreement.
2/ These concerns are made all the more credible when anti-JCPOA voices in DC are loudly and repeatedly threatening that in the event power changes hands under the next admin, they will work to renege on U.S. commitments just as Trump did.
آنچه که امروز حیات برجام را بیش از پیش به خطر انداخته توقف مذاکرات وین است. به عنوان کسی که پرونده هستهای ایران را بیش از یک دهه دنبال کرده و از زمان آقای احمدی نژاد-جلیلی در چندین دور از مذاکرات حضور داشته، در این رشته توییت به تحلیل وضعیت کنونی پرداختم. 👇🧵
دلیل اصلی تعلیق مذاکرات این است که: به زعم تهران ایالات متحده نمیخواهد/نمیتواند به تعهدات خود در زمینه رفع تحریمها عمل کند؛ ادامه تنش باعث عقبنشینی طرف مقابل خواهد شد؛ کشور اوج فشار اقتصادی را پشت سر گذاشته و میتواند بدون رفع تحریمها هم به حیات خود ادامه دهد. ۲/
در مقابل، آمریکا نمیخواهد به صورت یکجانبه امتیازی بدهد تا تهران را برای بازگشت به میز مذاکره قانع کند؛ اتحادش با کشورهای اروپایی دوباره برقرار شده؛ در آژانس و سازمان ملل نفوذ قابل توجهی دارد؛ همچنان ابزار تحریم در دستانش است. ۳/
I've followed the nuclear negotiations across 3 US & 3 Iranian administrations, been on the ground at multiple negotiation rounds, and written more reports pre- and post-JCPOA than I care to tally.
Based on that, some modest thoughts on where we stand. [Thread]
The deal's demise was predicted or pronounced from the day it was reached: It wouldn't survive because Iranians would cheat. It couldn't survive because Trump's withdrawal would doom it. And now, it won't survive - or is already dead - because negotiations have stalled. 2/
Why? Tehran believes the U.S. won't/can't deliver on the sanctions relief the deal envisions. That continued escalation could leverage greater concessions. And that having survived the worst of max pressure, their economy can muddle through even without those benefits. 3/
هرچقدر پیروزی ابراهیم رئیسی در انتخابات کمرونق ۱۴۰۰ بیچالش بود، دوران ریاست جمهوری وی احتمالاً پر فراز و نشیب خواهد بود. گروه بحران در گزارش «معمای رئیسی» نگاهی انداخته به روند انتخابات و مشکلات عدیده پیش روی رئیسی در داخل و خارج. #رشتو crisisgroup.org/fa/middle-east…
۲/ پیروزی رئیسی حاصل انتخاباتی غیرآزاد و به شکل بیسابقهای غیررقابتی، نرخ مشارکت کمتر از ۵۰٪ و آرا باطله ۳.۷ میلیونی بود. برای نظام نه مشروعیت ناشی از مشارکت بالا، بلکه نتیجه انتخابات اولویت داشت تا حضور اصولگرایان در تمام مراکز اصلی انتصابی و انتخابی قدرت مقدر شود.
۳/ اشتغال، تورم، همهگیری کرونا، تظاهراتهای مردمی و صنفی صرفاً بخشی از مسائلی است که دولت رئیسی با آن روبروست. هنوز معلوم نیست که آیا حاکمیت یک دست، با پایگاه اجتماعی ۳۰ درصدی، قادر به رفع مشکلات کشور خواهد بود یا خیر.