#DelhiViolence | 23 Feb marks two years since anti-Muslim violence unfolded in northeast Delhi.
Here is a master thread of our coverage—ground reports, testimonies of survivors and in-depth investigations into the BJP and the Delhi Police’s complicity in the violence.
On 23 Feb 2020, a clash between a Hindu mob that gathered at Maujpur and anti-CAA protesters, who had occupied the road at the Jafrabad metro, marked the beginning of over three days of communal violence in the national capital.
The then deputy commissioner Ved Prakash Surya’s passive demeanour next to BJP leader Kapil Mishra seemed to send a clear message—the latter’s threats of violence had the support of the Delhi Police. #DelhiViolence
On 24 Feb 2020, “The Hindu mob started stone pelting at the protesters. Then, the mob burnt the petrol pump … Then, all the cars that were there … near the petrol pump—they burnt all of them … The mob started shooting with guns at around 4 pm.”
#DelhiViolence | @sagar_reporter spoke to stick-wielding CAA supporters at Babarpur. “They had no idea about the law and said they were out on the street because they did not like the ‘Muslim’ anti-CAA protesters of Jaffrabad and Shaheen Bagh.”
On 24 Feb 2020, after half an hour of stone pelting at the Wazirabad road, a Hindu mob and policemen charged at Muslim protesters with a united cry of “Jai Shri Ram.”
By 6 pm, the mob and the Delhi police were bolstered by hundreds of Hindu rioters who descended on Wazirabad road. It was unclear where they came from, but it appeared they had broken through barricades to join the fight against the Muslim protesters.
“On the road, I could see members of a mob, armed with sticks and iron rods. I gathered courage and passed through them. Throughout that walk, I kept trying to conceal my beard with my hands.”
From 25 Feb 2020, Parijat P’s five hours in northeast Delhi: bit.ly/39byWGs
Residents of Subhash Mohalla, on 25 Feb 2020, mobs chanting “Jai Shri Ram” tried to enter the block and burnt shops and homes belonging to Muslims. The residents called the Delhi Police for help, but to no avail.
On 24 Feb 2020, a mob attacked a 23-year-old named Salman, with acid. He was brought to the Al Hind hospital. According to Dr MA Anwar, Salman was among “500–600” patients who had been admitted to the 15-bedded hospital between 24 and 26 Feb 2020.
On 25 Feb, residents of Jaffrabad and New Jaffrabad had a face off with the police. “I was inside the New Jaffradbad colony, when a young man … semi- conscious, was brought with what appeared to be pellet shots to his eyes and face,” Ishan Tankha said.
On 25 Feb 2020, Saleem Kassar watched helplessly as a mob shouting pro-BJP slogans shot his brother twice and tied a bomb to his leg. After the assailants ran for cover, “the bomb exploded and my brother’s body parts flew into pieces,” he said.
On 25 Feb, after beating up the men inside the Farooqia Masjid, uniformed men set everything on fire in the mosque. “They had petrol, diesel in plastic bags. They spilled it on the walls, on beddings … then they lit it on fire,” Tahir, the imam, said.
Walking past the charred remains on 26 Feb 2020, it was evident that only the Muslim houses and establishments had been targeted. Only those buildings with visible markers indicating the identity of their owners had been set on fire.
Shaukat Ali Mirza, a resident of Mustafabad, pointed out that the anti-CAA protests had not caused trouble to any religious communities. “Our fight is not with our Hindu brothers,” he said. “Our fight is with the government.”
On 26 Feb 2020, many Muslim locals displaced from their homes moved to Al Hind, a hospital that was already facing an influx of more patients than it had the medical or physical infrastructure to support, ever since the violence began.
Every Muslim resident of Khajoori Khas, even those @sagar_reporter met in neighbouring areas, believed journalists were demonising Muslims even while the evidence showed of targeted destruction of Muslim houses and shops.
Four photojournalists documented the scenes of despair they witnessed at the hospitals in the aftermath of the large-scale violence in northeast Delhi on 24 and 25 Feb 2020, as the violence escalated and mobs began firing at and beating Muslims.
.@sagar_reporter interviewed residents, and social activists and lawyers who had been helping the victims of the communal violence since 26 Feb 2020. Almost all of them told said the crime branch was detaining and arresting Muslim men in large numbers.
The Delhi Police ignored complaints against BJP leaders—Kapil Mishra, Satya Pal Singh, Jagdish Pradhan, Nand Kishore Gujjar, and Mohan Singh Bisht—accusing them of participating in or orchestrating the #DelhiViolence.
Numerous complaints filed by residents of northeast Delhi accuse senior police officials of participating in or encouraging targeted violence against Muslim residents of the region during the violence that swept the city in February 2020.
The media coverage on explosives used in the Delhi violence focused on those discovered on the roof of Tahir Hussain’s house. But numerous complaints filed before the Delhi Police accused Hindu mobs of using explosives openly and without fear.
The February 2020 #DelhiViolence was preceded by years of stigmatisation of Indian Muslims, stoked by Hindutva forces organised around the BJP’s ideological parent, the RSS.
In a six-month-long investigation, @sagar_reporter scrutinised Facebook live broadcasts by members affiliated to the RSS and the BJP ahead of the #DelhiViolence, and reports on the Hindutva mobilisation that preceded the violence.
.@sagar_reporter’s interviews with members of the Maujpur mob indicated that almost all of them were guided by Modi’s statements in their conviction that the protests against the CAA were anti-Hindu and a Pakistani conspiracy to break the nation.
@sagar_reporter Although the situation on the ground reached a flashpoint only on 23 Feb, the BJP’s political mobilisation around the CAA had begun weeks earlier, as a central theme of its Delhi election campaign.
On the intervening night of 30 November and 1 December 2014, the judge BH Loya died under mysterious circumstances. At the time, he was presiding over the Sohrabuddin encounter case, in which Amit Shah was the prime accused.
The Caravan's coverage of the death of #JudgeLoya:
Over numerous conversations with Loya’s family members, @niranjan_takle pieced together a chilling description of what #JudgeLoya went through while presiding over the Sohrabuddin trial, and of what happened following his death.
#JudgeLoya’s sister Anuradha Biyani said that Loya confided in her that Mohit Shah—then the chief justice of the Bombay HC—offered him a bribe of Rs 100 crore for a favourable judgment in the Sohrabuddin case.
#Thread | Today marks two years since the central government abrogated Kashmir’s special status by reading down #Article370 of the Constitution.
In “State Subjects,” The Caravan featured a collection of voices from various parts of the erstwhile state:
Replug | Kargil is closer to Srinagar than it is to Leh. Most of the region’s life essentials—from groceries to daily supplies—come from Kashmir. The people of Kargil have always endorsed the unity of the state.
Replug | Our union territory would have been welcome by everyone if the government had brought it in a democratic way, via dialogue. How will we justify this to our future generations?
“The bottom line is that they cannot accept it and swallow that there is a Muslim-majority state in India. So, they want to change the demography of the state,” Arif said.
Praveen Donthi’s dispatch from August 2019: bit.ly/3CahcKD
Archives | “Yahan kisiko bhool hai ki is qaum ko daba liya hai”—Some people here have the wrong impression that they have silenced this community, Abdul Qadir Bhat Pathan said. “There is a lava building here. It will explode like a bomb one day.”
Ambulances and private vehicles carrying bodies of people who died of COVID-19 lined up outside the Kurukshetra crematorium in Jehangirpura on 15 April.
Naresh Patidar works at a tea stall in Surat. On 15 April he boarded a bus back to his village. He said all business had shut down in the city and no one had money to pay workers like him. He worried that if he waited any longer he would have to walk home, like he did last year.
The first part of “Rafale Papers,” an investigative series by the French journal Mediapart, has revealed that in 2018, a French anti-corruption agency had found that Dassault had paid €1 million to an Indian middleman for the #RafaleDeal.
Modi snatched away a state-owned defence-manufacturing company’s chance at perhaps the biggest manufacturing deal in its history, to replace it with an order that favours a private corporation.
“The Indian government proposed this service group [Reliance], and Dassault negotiated with Ambani,” French president Hollande added. “We did not have a choice, we took the interlocutor who was given to us.”
#DelhiViolence | Today marks a year since anti-Muslim violence began in northeast Delhi.
Here is a master thread of our coverage—ground reports, video stories, testimonies of survivors and in-depth investigations into the BJP and the Delhi Police’s complicity in the violence.
“At around 1–1.30 pm, a right-wing Hindu mob of around two hundred men arrived near the protest site, carrying stones and chanting ‘Jai Shri Ram!’ We could see that they were with the police—we were on a rooftop, from where we were covering this.” bit.ly/3dEvcCm
The stick-wielding CAA supporters at Babarpur said they had no idea about the CAA and were out on the street because they did not like the “Muslim” anti-CAA protesters of Jaffrabad and Shaheen Bagh. bit.ly/2TEHD6T