1/ #Sanctions are hitting #Russia's economy in many ways, but two goals are key:
1.) Diminish Putin's ability to redistribute rubles within Russia (depends mostly on #budget).
2.) Diminish Russia's ability to #import (depends on availability of foreign exchange AND restrictions).
2/ It all boils down to these two things. If the budget is doing fine and imports are doing fine, then the regime can compensate for any sanctions damage with transfers. If there is problem with either one, the government faces difficult foreign/domestic policy tradeoffs.
3/ The budget and the ability to import are the "transmission belts" through which economic effecs of #sanctions become political. The budget is the pie that Putin can share among military/elites/population. The imports are decisive for the size of the pie and how tasty it is.
4/ #Sanctions have affected both the Russian #budget and Russia's ability to #import. The budget is under pressure because revenue is shrinking due to lower economic activity, the war is costly, and sanctions create social costs that need to be compensated with transfers.
5/ Russia's imports are under pressure because of a technology embargo, disruption of logistics and payment channels and the retreat of international companies. The availability of FX in Russia has NOT been the problem, and due to a structural trade surplus it won't be very soon.
6/ It is important to stress that the only reason Russia exports is because it wants to import. When we focus on the development of export revenues, what we actually have in mind is the ability to import goods and technologies.
7/ This has led some to the conclusion that export embargoes on Russian oil and gas are pointless if Russia has more FX than it can spend. This is wrong: An oil&gas embargo serves _both_ goals at the same time: It diminishes budget revenues (1) AND diminishes FX revenues (2).
8/ The budget revenues from oil&gas are of great value to Putin, because it is not politically costly to generate them. The alternative: Raising taxes or austerity policies - are politically costly. That's how oil sanctions create problems for the Kremlin, despite abundant FX.
9/ Also, the current situation, in which restrictions are the only bottleneck for Russian imports and FX is abundant, is unlikely to stay forever. If oil sanctions are tightened over time, Russia could very well slide into a trade deficit, at least in times of lower oil prices.
10/ This is why embargoes on Russian exports make a lot of sense even under the current condition of abundant FX in Russia. In addition to that, they should be seen as a step-by-step process towards a Russian trade deficit, which will materialize at some point in the future.
11/ PS: The budget is not the only mechanism for redistribution of resources in Russia, there are also shadow budgets (such as Gazprom), and Putin can order businesses directly to spend or take risks for the regime. But the budget is by far the biggest piece of the puzzle.
12/ PS2: Some will claim that Putin can just print as much rubles as he wants and that the budget is no limitation. Printing rubles may work for a limited time, but a.) it is incompatible with the mindset of the current econ technocrats and b.) it is limited by economic fallout.
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1/ On the #oil price cap: After listening to this excellent Brookings discussion, I am more optimistic it could work, but I also believe it may need to be postponed by 8-12 weeks. Here is why...
2/ First on the cost of delaying #sanctions: The sooner, the more, the better. But this is just a small delay, and the goal - depriving Russia of FX and budget revenues - is a multi-year goal that will be gradually achieved, because Russia still has considerable buffers in both.
3/ The key question is of course Russia's reaction: Russia could reduce its exports, causing oil market prices to rise. From Russia's perspective, compliance would show weakness. Russia has shown it can reduce some production in 2020, and it is willing to bear costs (eg: gas...).
1/ #Russia's Finance Ministry stopped publishing detailed data #budget spending in April. But with a few calculations, it's possible to get a pretty good picture of what's going on. Due to the war, #defense spending until July was at least ~1.2tn RUB (~20bn USD) higher than 2021.
2/ This also means that defense spending until July was >1tn higher than planned. Of course this does not account for changes in Russia's stocks of weapons and ammunition. Refilling those will be much more expensive, but it was not yet visible in the budget until July 2022.
3/ Here is how defense spending can be calculated: Russia does not publish detailed monthly spending data, but they still publish a current snapshot on ongoing spending on "budget.gov.ru". The data here is incomplete, a huge chunk is missing.
1/ Is #Russia flaring gas on a massive scale? Here is another approach to solving that question: Natural gas and gas condensate production should normally go hand in hand. Here is a dot plot of Russian monthly production of gas and gas condensate (unstabilized) until April 22.
2/ The correlation is strong, as expected (r=0.85). My assumption is that gas condensate doesn't have to be flared, because it is easier to store than natural gas. Thus, if #Gazprom is reducing its production by flaring the correlation should break down.
3/ If #Gazprom is reducing its production by shutting down wells, the correlation should rather remain intact (less condensate production). Gazprom's natural gas production started falling dramatically in April.
1/ Most economic indicators in #Russia's monthly statistics have stabilized. One exception: The crash in wholesale turnover seems to be continuing unabated. Wholesale turnover has fallen by 25.4% year over year! What's happening? Spoiler: It's Putin's gas blackmail backfiring. 1/
2/ Rosstat hasn't published the individual components of wholesale turnover in absolute terms (at least I couldn't find it), but it is possible to calculate them based on the relative weight of different sectors, which Rosstat publishes.
3/ Here is the resulting wholesale turnover (in current prices). There are some seasonal changes (not important here). Important is the general role that different sectors play. Wholesale turnover is dominated by raw materials, more precisely: energy trade.
1/ Explainer: Why the timing of a crisis has a critical impact on annual GDP figures. Annual GDP depends very much on one thing: In which quarter did the crisis start? These are 4 _identical_ economic crises with subsequent recovery. They start 3 months apart.
2/ Now let's look at the result change in annual GDP in the first 3 calendar years of these hypothetical crises: The difference that a 3-month delay makes! #Russia's current crisis started in Q2 (~red). If Russia had started its war 3 months earlier, we would be looking at ~blue.
3/ The drop in Russian GDP during the Global Financial Crisis fit neatly into the year 2009, resulting in a 7.8% contraction, with growth in 2008 and 2010. It is just this _coincidence_ that makes 2009 look so harsh, and 2022 look rather benign.
1/ Is #Gazprom flaring on a massive scale? I am reopening the case! The flare near #Finland is huge, but it can only burn ~1% of the missing delivieres. BUT: What if there are more? Quite possibly, Gazprom's declining production numbers are actually a _result_ of flaring.
2/ In recent weeks, NASA FIRMS was sometimes used to assess the intensity of artillery in Ukraine. It can also be used to detect flaring. The big flame near Finland appeared for the first time on June 17th. Since then the satellite shows it clearly. firms.modaps.eosdis.nasa.gov/map/#t:adv;d:2…
3/ I checked some places near Novy Urengoy, famous for its gas production. And the first installation I looked at was an immediate hit: It was this flare stack in the East of Novy Urengoy. I went through the last years, and there was only a little activity in late '20/early '21.