The fall of Kherson was a significant #Russian military and political victory. Kherson is critical to Russian maximalist aims; its claims of Russian cultural repatriation in Ukraine; and is central to the #Novorossiya concept (contemporarily the Transnistrian land bridge).
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The capture of Kherson (city and ex-urban areas) by March 2 illustrated two key features of the Kherson AO:
1) Russia's capacity to penetrate fronts rapidly with motorized & mechanized elements.
2) Ukraine's partial and over-extended defensive capabilities in the region.
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The defense of Kherson was fluid. Ukrainian counterattacks quickly faltered. They were chaotic and disjointed and partly composed of hastily-assembled volunteer forces—some of whom had no training. Kherson fell just 120 hours after the invasion began.
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This flagging defense was, in part, a consequence of the simultaneous defense of #Odesa. The threat of amphibious landings along 135km of coastline critically undermined Ukraine's response capacity in Kherson, in addition to likely command failings.
The absence of Ukrainian maneuver capabilities necessitated advance by marginal gains. By mid-April the LOC stabilized south and east of Mykolaiv as Ukraine repositioned elements of the 80th, 28th & 60th brigades (approx.) amid swelling ranks of volunteers.
Weeks later the LOC remained largely static. RAF 58th & 49th CAAs, and 7th GALD continued pressure west via the E58, and northeast along the T-22-07 and T-04-03 (primary GLOCs). These advances largely exhausted themselves, and without any substantive breakouts.
AFU conducted limited counter-offensives at the LOC, which had stabilized at the Inhulets River, and the Zasillia-Pokrovs'ke-Oleksandrivka axis. Russian echelons positioned along two (possibly three) lines of defense with the LOC approx. 90km (by road) from river crossings.
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Through July, both AFU and RAF elements traded only limited gains across the LOC, with both suffering high loss-rates in soldiers and materiel. Ukraine especially pushed available echelons into highly-contested areas, maily though attempts to secure perilous bridgeheads.
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A salient feature of the Kherson AO has been intensive attritional battles along an expansive front—not unlike that seen in the Donetsk and Luhansk AO where neither side has capacity for sustained breakout, even as they are resupplied. This played out for six months.
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However, a drawn-out operation is in Ukraine's interest, in part because frontal assaults are:
1) high-cost endeavors 2) dependent on favorable ground conditions 3) high-loss cost comes with political risk.
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To compensate, Ukraine has conducted methodical strikes on the #Antonovsky bridge, #Kakhovka HPP causeways, employing #HIMARS to attrit Russian supplies. This placed gradual, then immediate strain on already over-extended Russian forces.
Russian countermeasures were haphazard, with forced resupply by ferry or barge—a temporal and capacity limitation felt directly by forces furthest from supply points, especially those along the LOC.
Regardless, both forces remained largely locked-in-place.
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PART TWO — "At the Edge of Bank"
The battle for Kherson is a fulcrum in the war. Its possible recapture represents an enormous military and political victory for Ukraine. Conversely, its loss by Russia would be an inescapable setback.
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Since 2014, Vladimir Putin has expressed the notional value of capturing swaths of eastern and southern Ukraine—a remarrying of the Ukrainian eastern industrial heartland and Black Sea coast with Russia proper. February's escalation was a further step toward realizing this.
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Kherson's role is thus now more than military objective—it is central to the identity of the Russian invasion project, being the only regional capital captured since Feb. 24, and the furthest east Russia has held its advance.
To lose Kherson undermines a principal element of the Russian invasion narrative and severely complicates the justification for the invasion, and subsequent reasons for its setbacks. Placing undue expectations on command may exacerbate any setback.
In the past three weeks Russia has resorted to numerous, simultaneous mis- and dis-information campaigns, and likely compensate for the internal confusion that presides over command decision-making as they determine whether to attempt a hold on the city—or not.
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While it is possible the command decision may have already been made, the value of the city remaining in Russian hands likely remains of critical debate among Russian commanders, and among the units potentially left behind.
Should Russia attempt to hold the city (albeit with a significantly reduced force) it has, in theory, the advantage of urban defense, dramatically-reduced supply lines, and total artillery coverage and accompanying aerial reconnaissance.
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A Russian presence can force a long-term urban engagement as it reconstitutes east of the Dnieper, leaving open the possibility of future ops. in the southern AO.
@SpencerGuard would note that any urban engagement would be extremely costly for both forces, and civilians.
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Ukraine is thus unlikely to attempt a frontal assault on the city (or even prolonged siege) due to the military and political costs. The strategy of attriting Russian supply and forces incrementally will remain, with opportunistic assaults where Russian lines are thinnest.
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If Ukraine were to capture the city it would face the likely consequences of its victory. Russia could find recourse by saturating the city and its environs with artillery fire—perhaps indefinitely—placing incredible strain on Ukraine's ability to administer the city.
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Above all, both Russia and Ukraine must prepare for managing the military and political outcomes of the battle. These will be so significant as to inform the tempo of operations throughout the winter, as Russian mobilized forces grow, and Ukraine repositions forces north.
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A factor of a Ukranian victory would be the impetus to push harder along existing fronts, capitalizing on the exposed faults of the Russian campaign. Whether these would be successful remains an open question: @WarintheFuture explores the potential of the winter ahead.
Above all, a Russian defeat may signal the end of its operations west of the Dnieper, and further erode its narrative aims of the war. The concept of a southern land bridge would be lost—perhaps forever—the ramifications of which remain unknown, but are likely enormous.
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"Russian forces are likely trying to seize #Bakhmut & Soledar so that Russia can declare some type of success by announcing the “liberation” of the #Donbas."
The present challenge for Ukraine and Russia is determining the operational value of attritional engagements in the #Donetsk AO. As previously reported, Russian forces have endured signifiant losses, and progress is incremental. Ukrainian forces remain effectively pinned.
Internal narratives, thus, will compensate for the degree of losses experienced. For #Wagner PMC this will involve developing narratives that 1) maintain the appearance of success and, 2) prevent desertion of recently-mobilized forces.
"Russian forces would likely have more success...if they wait until enough mobilized personnel arrive to amass forces large enough to overcome Ukrainian defenses despite poor weather conditions"
Reflecting the recent expulsion of Lapin from command of operations in the Luhansk AO, it remains clear that systemic command and priority-setting issues remain a salient feature of Russian force deployment in the east, despite command rotation.
The hurdling of Russian mobilized forces towards unrealized or marginal gains reflects a general disregard for: 1) achieving substantive military capacity through force generation, and 2) reevaluating operations for strategic, rather than operational, effect.
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"Vladimir Putin is setting conditions to continue waging conventional war for the foreseeable future rather than preparing to try to end the war by escalation or by making for some 'off-ramp.'"
This was not unforeseen, and it begs the question: is Putin, and the Russian military complex, now wrestling with the disconnect between extending war, and its original maximalist aims?
These actions suggests yes, but the challenge is far greater than at the outset of war.
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I would argue Putin is not necessarily fully able to invest in a long-term strategy; his decision-making is now beholden to reactionary outcomes (rational or not), driven by battlefield outcomes, and an increasingly indignant pro-war community and power-elites.
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"Increasing transparency in Russian info space...is likely making it more challenging for the Kremlin to conceal and explain away any command changes in public."
Moreover, the volume of (dissenting) information exchange across individual soldiers, the siloviki, and the pro-war community has rendered a signature element of Russian operations—capability for control of narrative through mis/disinformation—increasingly fraught.
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The recent deep-strikes by #Russian drones marks a shift in Russian strategy, and the dynamics of the #UkraineRussiaWar in the short-term.
I've gathered info, analysis, and developed graphics for a deeper look at a key component of this trend: the #Shahed136.
A mega thread
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The application of #drones in this war is well-documented: reconnaissance, direct-attack, fire-correction, harassment, and at least in one instance—aerial combat.
Drones are used as force-multipliers and enablers serving numerous roles—sometimes simultaneously.
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The Shahed-136 is no different. It's recent introduction in Ukraine is a means to circumvent or saturate Ukrainian air defense, strike targets in the rear, and instill terror.
That terror manifests night after night, defined by the distinctive whine of it's motor.
"[Shoigu's] high-profile meetings differentiate Shoigu and the Russian higher military command from the siloviki, who do not hold the same rank or authority despite their popularity in the Russian information space."
The ongoing melodrama between the siloviki and bureaucracy of the Russian MoD is of note, and should be watched closely (but not obsessed over).
In spite of clear lack of command performance, Putin appears willing to uphold an image of coherent central command authority.
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Putin is a pragmatist, but it's not always clear whether his decisions and moves reflect a focus on long-term strategy, or if he is locked into short-term reactionary cycles. This one could appear to fall under the latter.
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