Voucher “empirical” research showing positive academic effects are no less a political tactic than this piece of garbage here—and by the same organizations.
Heritage, Goldwater, Cato and EdChoice form the entire favorable base of evidence for #schoolvouchers.
No reporter would consider a study like this a neutral “study”
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No reporter would consider this anything but a politically motivated “study”
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No one would say this “report” was anything but catnip and dog whistle for Right-wing talking points
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And yet the “#schoolvouchers help student learning!” political spin also comes from the same groups. Without them that evidence doesn’t exist.
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The greatest trick #schoolvouchers advocates ever pulled was convincing the world that “the evidence” favors vouchers.
That evidence doesn’t exist. Not really. It’s a phantom.
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A phantom propped up by dozens of so-called studies propping up #schoolvouchers from Right-wing groups, flooding the zone to confuse journalists and policymakers.
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When in reality there are a tiny few of (very old, very small) credible studies showing good #schoolvoucher impacts.
Example: yesterday Heritage released that garbage woke #schoolchoice “study,” while the top #edpolicy journal in the country had a real study showing #schoolvouchers don’t help edu-attainment.
There is no better example of the state of voucher evidence than right here 👇👇👇
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Journalists: Anyone telling you most studies show #schoolvouchers “work” is an advocate spinning you.
Right-wing think tankers slam academic voucher experts because our work predicts key policy failures.
As early as 2007, evaluators in Cleveland found 69.5% voucher users were in private school already—a spot-on estimate of rates reported in the following 10 states today 👇
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First up, Arizona, where 70%+ voucher users were in private school already
But here’s the general pattern, using this EdChoice table as an example (there are many more): 1/ 🧵
First is the absence of abysmal negative OH, and IN results by teams led by Figlio and Berends, respectively.
Those studies use panel data and methods and find terrible statewide at-scale voucher effects—hugely relevant to legislation today. 2/ chalkbeat.org/2018/8/9/21107…
But #schoolvouchers advocates drop them from tables like the 👆 because they’re not lottery-based studies. It’s true that lotteries are gold standard evaluation tool—but have well-known limitations re: scale and generalizability—key issues today.
It’s not just that they’re almost all for-profit. They are but #OhioEd has for-profit charters for example and much greater 🔎. #mileg#mipol#migov@Network4pubEd
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For-profit #charterschools run on small profit margins for students—as far as we can tell. So it gives charters like those in MI every incentive to cut corners. That’s one problem. #mipol#migov#mileg
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But here’s something I’m guessing MI charters really don’t want #mileg members or #miched journalists looking into: property holdings.
The real profit is in various property bought and maintained with tax support. @NPEaction
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There’s a #schoolvouchers link to the #January6thReport. It centers around attorney Cleta Mitchell who led Trump’s GA pressure efforts after the vote. #BigLie
Mitchell is also Board Secretary for the Lynde and Harry Bradley Foundation, a huge #schoolvouchers backer out of Wisconsin that’s given $millions to voucher research and advocacy.
First: a win’s a win. It’s good to see #schoolvouchers stopped anywhere. The push to privatize is so relentless, so well-funded by such a narrow swath of backers, it can feel like swinging in the dark against it.
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But more concretely: the KY Court found that #schoolvouchers tax credit shell game was a budget commitment even though it’s not a direct appropriation. Reducing revenue by $10 is the same as spending $10.
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