The folks I mention here are already pushing back on this piece @DianeRavitch so in lieu of direct social media battles I’m going to just “reply all” with a new point:
Let’s talk “peer review.” The #schoolvouchers crowd has made use of this fuzzy term for years.
“Peer review” can mean a lot of things. For example this paper by Corey DeAngelis in something called the “Journal of Free Enterprise” is “peer reviewed.”
Sorry but that’s just not JPAM or AEJ: Policy or EEPA and anyone credible knows that. 🤦♂️
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And a number of “peer reviewed” studies come from the working paper series at UArk that Jay Greene founded, which—at least when I reviewed for them years ago—paid $250-500 a pop.
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“Peer-reviewed” to the #schoolvouchers crew is like the word “rigorous.” It’s a way to sell industry-funded research to policymakers and the press who don’t have time to dig into it.
I’m sure you can find “peer review” that says #covid19 vaccines don’t work too. Etc.
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That’s why I wrote the post @DianeRavitch: precisely to highlight this problem.
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And if you look at my list here (also linked on Diane’s site) *of course* there are some + #schoolvouchers studies. But these occurred largely 10+ years ago on small pilot programs.
My point in this post is it all comes from the same group. And me.
So let’s talk about me. The voucher crowd still cites this PSJ study of mine from a decade ago that found tiny positive #schoolvouchers impacts on attainment.
I don’t deny nor denounce that. But it comes from the same ecosystem and would never been accepted today. Why?
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Because we identified #schoolvouchers impacts on Milwaukee kids using a matched sample with no pre-treatment measures. Not just on outcomes—no pre-treatment covariates at all.
It was fine for 2013 and went through peer review but it would have been rejected today.
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And btw the #schoolvouchers crowd including especially Corey still use this sub-par matched sample 17 years after it was created, to publish articles on de jour outcome variables like “character.” They do it because quality research isn’t the point.
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The point of this activity is simply to flood the zone with studies to “up the count” and make it seem like studies are on balance positive for #schoolvouchers. They aren’t. It just seems that way because the same people are recycling data sets with new outcomes.
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That’s why in my post on Diane’s site I pointed to affiliations not papers. Counting papers and reports is misleading. Count the people and institutions instead.
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Right-wing think tankers slam academic voucher experts because our work predicts key policy failures.
As early as 2007, evaluators in Cleveland found 69.5% voucher users were in private school already—a spot-on estimate of rates reported in the following 10 states today 👇
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First up, Arizona, where 70%+ voucher users were in private school already
But here’s the general pattern, using this EdChoice table as an example (there are many more): 1/ 🧵
First is the absence of abysmal negative OH, and IN results by teams led by Figlio and Berends, respectively.
Those studies use panel data and methods and find terrible statewide at-scale voucher effects—hugely relevant to legislation today. 2/ chalkbeat.org/2018/8/9/21107…
But #schoolvouchers advocates drop them from tables like the 👆 because they’re not lottery-based studies. It’s true that lotteries are gold standard evaluation tool—but have well-known limitations re: scale and generalizability—key issues today.
It’s not just that they’re almost all for-profit. They are but #OhioEd has for-profit charters for example and much greater 🔎. #mileg#mipol#migov@Network4pubEd
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For-profit #charterschools run on small profit margins for students—as far as we can tell. So it gives charters like those in MI every incentive to cut corners. That’s one problem. #mipol#migov#mileg
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But here’s something I’m guessing MI charters really don’t want #mileg members or #miched journalists looking into: property holdings.
The real profit is in various property bought and maintained with tax support. @NPEaction
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There’s a #schoolvouchers link to the #January6thReport. It centers around attorney Cleta Mitchell who led Trump’s GA pressure efforts after the vote. #BigLie
Mitchell is also Board Secretary for the Lynde and Harry Bradley Foundation, a huge #schoolvouchers backer out of Wisconsin that’s given $millions to voucher research and advocacy.
First: a win’s a win. It’s good to see #schoolvouchers stopped anywhere. The push to privatize is so relentless, so well-funded by such a narrow swath of backers, it can feel like swinging in the dark against it.
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But more concretely: the KY Court found that #schoolvouchers tax credit shell game was a budget commitment even though it’s not a direct appropriation. Reducing revenue by $10 is the same as spending $10.
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