Shorter version: UK not only has to bring old relationship with EU to an end (i.e. wrap up membership), but also get to a new relationship
I'd argue we've done the former, but not the latter
4/
Withdrawal Agreement, Jan 2020, resolved most outstanding liabilities of old membership, notably on finances and citizens' rights
But Irish dimension was only semi-resolved, with Protocol that required extensive implementation activity to be effective
5/
That implementation is far from complete, even leaving aside the wider Q of whether Protocol can stick at all, given state of UK/NI debate (not helped by COM's error on Art.16 this spring)
But that's not all that remains
6/
TCA might now just be coming into full legal effect, but again lots and lots of implementation work to be done, stretching over several years at least
Plus TCA itself pre-programmes some negotiations, quite aside from general reviews
So neither WA nor TCA is in a relatively stable state right now, and will stay in that uncertain status for at least as long as the period we've covered since #EURef
As and when a new UK govt takes office, we might see yet more negotiations happening IMHO
8/
I did once make a slide of a Brexit timeline that ran from the dinosaurs to interstellar space travel
I exaggerated
But not that much
9/
In sum, Brexit is not 'done' and won't be for some good long time yet
/end
PS @AnnaJerzewska has a very good thread on one aspect of this on-going project
A propos not much, let's talk a bit about why trust matters so much to the EU in its relations with the UK
tl;dr without it, it's very hard to do anything
1/
I've talked a lot about trust over the past years of Brexit, mainly because it's a central part of all negotiating: it's the grease in the system that makes things run much more smoothly
2/
How to build trust is pretty simple, as I've sketched out below.
An apposite day to announce I'm going to be next @UACES chair
Moving out of @SurreyPolitics office, ahead of starting @OUPolitics in May, and remarking in what a big part of my professional career @UACES has been
Since I started by PhD @LSEEI in 1999, @UACES has been central to my work, first with @UACESgf colleagues and then with those working on euroscepticism, including the very excellent @NicholasStartin, whose shoes I will be trying to fill as Chair
But @UACES folk have been there since I was a student, with their numerous textbooks and research outputs, and the events so numerous that I gave up trying to count a bit before lunchtime
I'm struck by the parallels between this and Brexit: in both cases, there's a failure to accept that making rules for your state doesn't mean being able to make rules for other states
In the asylum case, Patel is suggesting that 'illegal' entries by asylum-seekers will result in rapid removal from UK
But removal to where?
How do you get other (even 'safe') states to accept what are, under international law, people who are within their rights to be in UK?
2/
Likewise, Brexit debate has been about 'taking back control', but that can't mean 'forcing others to accept whatever you want', only 'asking others to see what they'll agree to'
3/
To recap: at one level, EU can feel it's done a stand-up job with Brexit
- protected members' interests
- didn't have to compromise on red lines
- secured legally-binding commitments from UK
- UK keeps having to come back to those commitments
2/
In large part, this comes from dominant position that EU holds, as larger party in process
Yes, UK has significant capacities, but can't escape econ/pol/geopol weight of EU system
3/