The American Civil War was not solely an "internal affair".
Throughout the early years of the war, Lincoln's administration feared intervention by the Europeans, notably the British. tandfonline.com/doi/abs/10.108…
As Lincoln remarked in his first State of the Union: "[A nation] which endures factious domestic divisions is exposed to disrespect abroad, and one party, if not both is sure sooner or later to invoke foreign intervention.”
The fear was that the British, highly reliant on Southern Cotton and seeing an opportunity to weaken a potential rival, would recognize the Southern Confederacy and then lend support.
While the British had refrained from recognition up to that point, it was still on the table. After all, Lord Palmerston was Prime Minister.
Recall that he is famous for offering the oft-quoted realist remark: "We have no eternal allies, and we have no perpetual enemies. Our interests are eternal and perpetual, and those interests it is our duty to follow."
In other words, while recognizing a slave state was not ideal, Britain had economic interests. I mean, Britain had recognized the United States itself!
As Palmerston stated to August Belmont, a prominent American financier and diplomatic liaison, in July 1861: ``we do not like slavery, but we want cotton, and we dislike very much your Morrill tariff’’
Heading into the fall of 1862, it seemed that recognition might come. This was largely due to Confederate battlefield success.
That is what Palmerston wrote to John Russell, British Foreign Minister, on September 14
Russell responded how it did seem the time was coming for the British to step in to mediate a separation:
Palmerston & Russell agreed that the mediation & recognition should be done jointly with the other European powers because " the Yankees would probably not seek a quarrel with us alone, and would not like one against a European Confederation.’’
Love Palmerston's use of "Yankee"!
But they wanted to wait for another Union defeat...and one appeared to be on its way just north of Washington D.C.
As Palmerston wrote to Russell
Wait, that's the letter in Palmerston's indecipherable handwriting (h/t @UkNatArchives). Here's what he wrote:
As it turns out, Lincoln himself was thinking along similar lines. He had determined that issuing a preliminary emancipation proclamation could help weaken the Confederate cause, especially internationally.
But Lincoln did not want to issue it from a position of weakness. He wanted a battlefield victory. James McPherson wrote about this in his "The Battle Cry of Freedom" amazon.com/dp/B002NXOQLQ/…
As McPherson writes
Hence, Lincoln got a "good enough" victory out of Antietam. If nothing else, it revealed the deep weaknesses in the Confederate forces (i.e. Lee's army should have been captured -- and everyone, including the Europeans, knew it)
The Proclamation did not fully end the threat of recognition, a point emphasized by historian Howard Jones amazon.com/dp/B075TMWPP7/…
But, as @BrentJSteele1 emphasized, it changed the meaning of (or at least the foreign perception of) the war from "Northern Aggression" to "liberation" amazon.com/Ontological-Se…
From that point onward, it would be difficult for the Europeans to recognize the South. No recognition, no alliance, no military aid sufficient to tip the balance of power. amazon.com/Burden-Confede…
In other words, making the American Civil War "the Cause of All Nations" meant the Confederate cause was lost. amazon.com/dp/B06XKBXBLD/…
As we commemorate the end of slavery on #Juneteenth, keep in mind that slavery's end was critical to ensuring that the "United States" continued.
[END]
Addendum 1: The argument that Britain should have intervened to stop the rise of a great power rival is most forcibly given by "offensive realist" accounts, such by JJM (which cites some of the older work on the diplomacy of the ACW) amazon.com/dp/B0022Q8CVY/…
Addendum 2: For more on British Dependence on Southern Cotton (and the perception in the South that this would led to intervention), see the classic work "King Cotton Diplomacy" amazon.com/King-Cotton-Di…
Addendum 3: For more on the role of ideology in explaining why neither a desire to break up a rival nor obtain cotton led to British intervention, see Richard Little's @SecStudies_Jrnl piece. tandfonline.com/doi/abs/10.108…
Addendum 4: For the broader context of Britain's decision to not intervene and how this was part of a broader accommodative policy towards America's rise throughout the 19th and early 20th century, see A.G. Hopkins *MASSIVE HISTORICAL TEXT*... amazon.com/dp/B0753SH9Z3/…
... and @KoriSchake's more theoretically guided and policy relevant account (i.e. this peaceful accommodation is more the exception than the rule) hup.harvard.edu/catalog.php?is…
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Pundit Paul: "I agree with Biden. Foreign policy IS an extension of personal relationships!"
Pedantic Paul: "Foreign policy is an extension of personal relationships....except differences in regime types also matter. Oh, the global distribution of power too. Actually,...."
Seriously though, lot's of great work showing that something at the center of international politics -- diplomacy -- does actually matter.
And the question "do personal relationships matter in international politics" is a great one to pose to students: I do so by having them consider the Boris-Bill relationship (h/t to @e_sarotte)
@IntOrgJournal's 75th anniversary special issue on "The Liberal International Order" largely omits international security affairs.
This leads me to ask: What Would Hedley Bull Think? 🤔
[THREAD]
To be fair, the special issue covers a range of important topics facing the world (e.g. climate change) and the editors fully acknowledge the omission of security affairs.
But they justify the omission by saying that security institutions, namely @NATO, seem to be just fine.
One could take issue with the claim that security institutions are presently "alive and kicking" (moreover, the editors even acknowledge that the nuclear nonproliferation regime is "under siege") politico.com/news/2021/06/1…
As pointed out in a previous #KeepRealismReal thread, Waltz key "realist" text, Theory of International Politics (TIP), doesn't even contain the word "realism", let alone "neorealism"