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Sep 14 16 tweets 7 min read
#Romania's declaration of intervention is now available on the #ICJ's website: icj-cij.org/public/files/c…
A few observations 🪡 #Ukraine #Russia 1/16
To begin, Romania's declaration is very much to-the-point. While it does underline the importance of the Genocide Convention, it doesn't expand so much beyond the Statute's requirements for justifying its intervention. 2/ Image
As for the provisions it plans to offer its construction on, Romania cites arts IX (compromissory clause) and I (prevention and punishment), the latter in turn necessitating interpretation of arts II, III, VIII. 3/
Before going into the specifics of these provisions, Romania offers some general observations. It probably expands the most, of interveners so far, on the basis of pacta sunt servanda, going as far as citing the Friendly Relations Declarations and the Helsinki Final Act. 4/ ImageImage
This leads it to observe that the Convention must be applied in good faith, which in turn necessitates it being interpreted in good faith and that parties refrain from frustrating its object and purpose – which it expands upon by reference to the 1951 advisory opinion. 5/
Romania then proceeds to analyse art IX. Romania first engages in quite a standard analysis of the concept "dispute" (albeit maybe playing down necessity of dispute existing upon seising the Court, à la 🇲🇭v🇮🇳🇵🇰🇬🇧). 6/ ImageImage
It then considers what this jurisdiction extends to. It also makes the case that jurisdiction extends to claims of non-violation, albeit placing emphasis on teleological considerations. However, like 🇬🇧🇸🇪, it also underlines art IX's use of the phrase "any party". 7/ ImageImage
Romania adds that jurisdiction also extends to disputes over the scope of the obligation to prevent and punish, and specifically whether unlawful use of force would be "acceptable conduct for that purpose". 8/ Image
Romania then ventures into the substantive provisions of the Convention. It begins by observing that the obligation to prevent and punish is one of using reasonably available means, which in turn implies that a state "cannot act" contrary to international law. 9/ Image
Romania also observes that art I creates an obligation of due diligence, which demands a "proper" (and not arbitrary or subjective) determination of a "serious risk of genocide". 10/ Image
It continues to cite ICJ's jurisprudence on the standard of proof for proving genocide and its modes liability, concluding that a state defending actions on the basis of art I must be able to meet that standard, while adding reliance on independent reports a best practice. 11/ ImageImage
There is a sense of conflation between interpretation of obligations under the Convention and the (procedural) standard of proof for proving facts before the ICJ.
Additionally it is questionable whether said independent reports are usually based on "fully conclusive" evidence.12/
In any event, Romania then expands on the need for measures of prevention and punishment to conform to international law, emphasising that actions of prevention cannot violate 2(4) UN Charter. By reference to art VIII, it also underlines preference for collective action. 13/ Image
Finally, like 🇱🇻🇱🇹🇬🇧🇸🇪, Romania notes that measures of punishment under the Convention are those conducted through the municipal and international criminal law frameworks. 14/ Image
Before concluding, worth noting that Romania is first intervener whose foreign minister, @BogdanAurescu, has been appointed agent, though given his expertise in international law (i.a. member of #ILC) this should not come as any surprise. 15/ Image
To conclude, Romania's intervention is very succinct. There is perhaps room for criticism of its analysis on conclusiveness of allegations of genocide or risk thereof, but otherwise the arguments made are mostly straightforward. 16/16

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More from @OriPomson

Sep 15
#France's declaration of intervention is now available on the #ICJ's website: icj-cij.org/public/files/c…
Some observations – c'est parti! 🪡 #Ukraine #Russia 1/19
Starting off, France invokes its right to intervene under art 63 of the Statute, while also underlining the legal nature of the obligations under the Genocide Convention (no personal touch but does later quote the Court observing the prohibition on genocide is peremptory(!)). 2/ ImageImage
As for the provisions of the Genocide Convention it seeks to offer its construction, by reference to Ukraine's application France cites arts I, II, IV, VIII, IX. 3/ ImageImage
Read 19 tweets
Sep 13
The text of #Sweden's 🇸🇪 declaration of intervention is now available on the #ICJ's website: icj-cij.org/public/files/c…
Observations 🪡. #Ukraine #Russia 1/25
As is becoming routine for these interventions, Sweden invokes both its "right" to intervene under art 63 of the Statute and the nature of the obligations under the Genocide Convention (though first to cite Judge Cançado Trindade's sep op in the Whaling case order). 2/ ImageImageImageImage
For its personal touch, Sweden invokes itself being a "a keen proponent of a rules-based world order", finding that "it is necessary for it to intervene in this case, in order to place its interpretation of the relevant provisions of the Convention". 3/ ImageImage
Read 25 tweets
Sep 9
#US declaration of intervention in #Ukraine v #Russia, under art 63 of the #ICJ Statute, is now available on the Court's website: icj-cij.org/public/files/c…
Some observations. 🪡 1/14
In its opening remarks, the #US follows the trend of other states by invoking its right of intervention under art 63, but also underlining the erga omnes partes nature of the Genocide Convention obligations. 2/ Image
For its personal touch, US underlines its involvement in developing the Convention and pointing to its past invocation of art VIII regarding Darfur (recourse to UN organs) and its support [yes, I know] for tribunals prosecuting genocide and other crimes. 3/ ImageImage
Read 14 tweets
Sep 6
#Germany's declaration of intervention in #Ukraine v #Russia, pursuant to article 63 of the #ICJ Statute, is now available on the Court's website: icj-cij.org/public/files/c…
Some observations. 1/13 🪡
Perhaps the most conspicuous part of Germany's declaration is that it seeks solely to give its construction on article IX of the Genocide Convention (the compromissory clause), unlike 🇱🇻🇱🇹🇳🇿🇬🇧 which offered interpretations for several provisions and relating to the merits. 2/
Now, by reserving "right to submit further arguments as to the scope ratione materiae" if declaration deemed admissible, Germany would presumably address the interpretation of the Convention's substantive provisions. However, this doesn't really feature in present declaration. 3/
Read 13 tweets
Aug 8
Text of the #UK's declaration of intervention in #Ukraine v #Russia, pursuant to article 63 of the #ICJ Statute, now available on the Court's website: icj-cij.org/public/files/c…
Some observations.🪡 1/20 (it's the longest declaration yet...)
As preliminary matter, UK is first intervener to refer to ICJ's recent The Gambia v Myanmar judgment, such as in underlining its erga omnes partes legal interest (though tbf, 🇱🇻 submitted its declaration the day before judgment and 🇱🇹 on the day). 2/
UK summarily addresses issue of capacity to intervene on jurisdictional matters, but is seemingly first intervener to consider different scenarios on how case may procedurally progress: either one-stage-case where it will address both issues of jurisdiction and merits... 3/
Read 21 tweets
Jul 25
A few observations on #Latvia's and #Lithuania's respective declarations of intervention in the #ICJ's #Ukraine v #Russia case, under article 63 of the ICJ Statute and on the basis of them being parties to the Genocide Convention. 1/15🪡
While art 63 of the Statute enshrines the right to intervene, art 82 of the ICJ's Rules stipulates the form and content of a declaration to intervene. Art 83 thus compelled the two states to address important issues of procedure and substance which arise in the case. 2/
While the declarations of the two neighbouring states were submitted just a day apart and are supportive of Ukraine's case, they are quite different in their form, place emphasis on different issues and at times make different arguments (though not really contradictory). 3/
Read 15 tweets

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