You may know this:
UK #InternalMarket Bill has arrived @UKHouseofLords.
But prob. no debate til after crunch EU Council, i.e. week after next.
But what you may not know:
It looks quite different to way it did before, inc. *big* amendments to part on N.Ireland #Protocol...
🧐 1/8
Eagle-eyed viewers among you will have spotted the first change.
The clauses have different numbers #⃣
Part 5 now starts with 42, not 40.
So the contentious clauses (which, "yes, do break international law") are now:
44 [export declns],
45 [state aid]
& 47 [law? schmaw!].
2/8
The amendments made in @HouseofCommons (covered here) were proposed by the UK Govt.
Clause 42 (GB to NI) no change.
Clause 43: changes to allow new checks to occur NI to GB for certain purposes.
These amendments allow such checks for
* VAT & Excise
* GB biosecurity
3/8
On VAT & Excise, it's making sure a [new kind of] 'check, control or administrative process' can be used for these purposes, e.g. preventing double taxation, collecting duties.
#Protocol sees EU rules on VAT on goods apply in NI but revenue goes to HMRC
Anyway, moving on... 4/8
On Biosecurity:
Pests and diseases aren't great respecters of #borders, even watery and unfettered ones.
This amendment allows new checks, controls etc. on NI to GB movement of goods in order to deal with a threat to biosecurity in GB, inc (hypothetically) from NI.
🪳🦟🦠
5/8
But that isn't even the exciting part!
We come now to clause 47.
The
"Notwithstanding inconsistency or incompatibility with international or other domestic law"
One.
Just take a look at what's new here...
😲
6/8
The amended clause specifies that Section 6(1)* of #HumanRights Act 1998 does not apply in relation to Cl. 44 & 45 (the ones to breach the #Protocol).
That section requires acts of public authorities to be compatible with ECHR rights.
Why explicitly disapply it here?
❓❓ 7/8
Further, legal routes for questioning the 'validity or lawfulness' of Clauses 44&45 are expressly curtailed in several ways.
All this exacerbates suspicion as to intention/scope of this clause.
⚠️& none of it sits easy with commitments to Human Rights in B/GFA & Protocol⚠️
8/8
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The statement shows the UK Internal Market Bill was only the half of it...
At the end it promises more such moves to come in the Finance Bill,
"inc. the same Parliamentary process that the Govt has committed to for the UKIM Bill" to related to "tariffs on GB-NI movement"...
2/
This is a statement for those not familiar with the NI/IRL Protocol - i.e. it is aimed at MPs who may still have niggles about the whole 'putting law-breaking into law' thing.
It is certainly not one intended to address the key matter, or to rebuild necessary trust with EU.
3/
These strands represent the lines of division that gave rise to the #conflict:
* unionist/nationalist within NI,
* north/south across the border, &
* British/Irish.
The B/GFA formalised cooperation across these lines.
2/13
This incl. long-standing Qs plus some new ones about whether certain things would encourage or discourage people from voting in favour of a #UnitedIreland.
THREAD
1/7
#NILifeTimes (face-to-face, random sampling) has different results from internet polling e.g. @LucidTalk re: proportion wanting Irish unity.
It's reasonable to say our figure (c.1/4) prob. too low, theirs (c.1/2) prob. too high, & the 'real' figure is somewhere in-between.
2/7
The great value of NILT is that it is a time series survey, ie. same Q & method over 20+yrs.
Overall, there hasn't been a dramatic surge in support for Irish unity.
Devolution remains preferred long-term policy (even though it wasn't functioning when Q asked). #nilt2019
TL;DR: #Brexit means differences between Unionism & Nationalism aren't just about aspiration but expectation.
1/7
The slight majority see #Brexit as having made a United Ireland more likely.
But the absolute majority see it as making no difference to when they're in favour of a UI.
Decline since 2018 in those thinking Brexit makes a UI less likely (10%) & makes them less in favour (12%) 2/7
There are interesting party differences here, which fall not so much on unionist/nationalist lines as pro-Remain/Leave.
Majority of SF, SDLP & Alliance supporters believe Brexit makes Irish unity more likely.
For SDLP this = a 25 point & SF an18 point increase since 2018.