Ali Vaez Profile picture
19 Nov, 22 tweets, 7 min read
We @FPI_SAIS are releasing a series of reports on Iran Under Sanctions. Iran’s economy has been sanctioned in one form or another since the 1979 revolution. Yet little systematic knowledge exists on the short- and medium-term impacts of sanctions [Thread].
rethinkingiran.com/iranundersanct…
2| The focus has often been on a few metrics that flare up with sanctions tightening: currency depreciation, inflation, and recession, followed by increases in unemployment & poverty. But the more comprehensive picture is lost in political cacophony around the policy's merits.
3| This is the gap that @FPI_SAIS is filling with its Iran Under Sanctions project, which is a 360 degree in-depth view on the implications of sanctions for Iran. This 1st-of-its-kind research provides for an instructive case study on the use of sanctions as a tool of statecraft.
4| The first report, authored by @AdnanMazarei, is on Inflation Targeting (IT) in the time of sanctions and pandemic. rethinkingiran.com/iranundersanct…
5| Of course, high inflation is a growing socio-economic problem in Iran under sanctions, which contributes to a decline in living standards & increased income inequality while hindering economic growth.
6| Iran lacks an effective anchor for inflation expectations. The Central Bank of Iran is muddling through in pursuit of a number of objectives like lowering inflation, financing the public sector, and allocating forex for import of essential goods.
7| The CBI recently announced that it will alter its monetary policy framework to inflation targeting (IT). The increased emphasis on lowering inflation is welcome, but a key question looms: is IT the most suitable framework for lowering inflation in the near term?
8| Very likely, the budget will remain the government’s main tool for combating the recession. Fiscal considerations are thus very likely to dominate monetary policy and undercut the CBI’s goal of lowering inflation.
9| CBI faces an almost impossible task given its limited independence, legally and practically, its inadequate credit and interest rate policies, difficult economic conditions and social and distributional pressures from various stakeholders.
10| Important changes in the overall policymaking framework must be implemented, together with some easing of sanctions, before inflation can be lowered substantially. Adopting IT now could both be ineffective and lead to a further loss in CBI credibility.
11| For now, lowering inflation would require an agile/adaptive combination of fiscal policy, reduced focus on the exchange rate & more active use of interest rates, along with targeting of monetary aggregates.
12| Current econ crisis offers an opportunity to prepare for IT by improving statistics quality/timely dissemination, upgrading the govt securities market's functioning, securitizing the govt/public enterprises arrears to the CBI/banks, & containing expansion in balance sheets.
13| The second report on the impact of sanctions on Iran’s energy sector is authored by @SVakhshouri who looks at the challenges that the sector has been facing and what has kept it resilient despite the immense pressure. rethinkingiran.com/iranundersanct…
14| Sanctions have been extremely effective in cutting Iran’s oil production and export. Since Apr 2019, when the restrictions fully took effect, oil sales, the main govt revenue, have been fluctuating around 500,000 bpd, %80 lower than Iran’s 2.5 m bpd export pre-max pressure.
15| Compared to Obama-era sanctions, this round cut deeper into Iran’s oil exports due to: an oversupplied market, more aggressive sanctions enforcement, massive financial restrictions, blocking transportation insurance, other exporters filling the gap... bbc.com/news/business-…
16| However, Iran’s natural gas and condensate production and refinery capacity has increased over the past few years although the current U.S. sanctions, unlike the ones b/w 2012-2015, include condensate export.
financialtribune.com/articles/energ…
17| Iran lost almost all its condensate market share in South Korea and Japan. However, Tehran was able to mitigate the risk of sanctions by consuming more condensate domestically, which both made it self-sufficient and created a new gasoline export capacity.
18| Still, Iran produces more condensate than its domestic needs. It prefers to store unsold condensate in Iran/China or tries to find creative ways to use condensate (eg: experimenting a new feedstock for its oil refineries, petrochem factories, or, potentially, power plants).
19| Iran’s natural gas production hasn’t been impacted by sanctions that much, as well. However, if sanctions were to continue and/or Iran cannot access international capital and technology, production levels may even start to decline.
20| To bypass the sanctions, Iran's adopted different strategies, although none were perfect: offering discounts on delivery, turning off the tankers’ geolocators, pre-selling oil in return for a line of credit, goods or services, pre-selling oil in the stock market, etc.
21| Iran has the capacity to go back to 2.5 m bpd oil and condensate export if sanctions are lifted. But it’ll be challenging since the market is oversupplied and the global demand is still low due to COVID.
22| One effect that is likely to outlast the sanctions is that Iran would use more of its oil domestically, while exporting other energy products, thus maximizing broader economic benefits. Read @SVakhshouri's full report on @SAISIran webpage:
static1.squarespace.com/static/5f0f5b1…

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More from @AliVaez

27 Apr
Absent from the debates around the Trump administration's plans to become a JCPOA participant after it officially terminated its participation in May 2018, this time to terminate the JCPOA once and for all, misses an important point: Iran's reaction [Thread] 👇🧵
2| I put this question to @araghchi at Moscow Nonproliferation Conference back in Nov. He stated clearly that re-designating Iran under UN Charter's Chapter VII as a "threat to international peace and security" will lead Iran to revise its nuclear doctrine ifpnews.com/return-of-un-s…
3| That means only one thing: withdrawing not just from the JCPOA, but also from the NPT altogether. Some think this is a bluff as it would undermine Iran's long-held position that it is not seeking nuclear weapons. They are wrong...
financialtribune.com/articles/natio…
Read 7 tweets
8 Apr
می‌خواهید بدانید چرا علی رغم معافیت کالاهای بشردوستانه از تحریم‌ها، مبادله این اجناس تحت تاثیر تحریم‌های آمریکا قرار می‌گیرد؟ و چرا از مقامات ارشد سابق دولت آمریکا گرفته تا دبیرکل سازمان ملل و سازمانهای امدادرسانو همسایگان ایران خواستار لغو یک سری از تحریم‌ها هستند؟

رشته توییت:
۱. پیش از همه چیز، خوب است بدانید که به گفته وزیر امورخارجه آمریکا ۸۰٪ اقتصاد ایران تحریم است و به علت همین تحریم‌های گسترده و جریمه‌های سنگین نقض تحریم، تاجران و بانک‌های خارجی به صورت کلی و فارغ از موضوع معامله، رغبت کمی برای تجارت با ایران دارند.
washingtonpost.com/world/middle_e…
۲. مبادله کالاهای بشردوستانه مستلزم طی کردن روندهای پیچیده و ارزیابی‌های موشکافانه است تا اطمینان حاصل شود که نه تنها موضوع معامله، بلکه دریافت کننده/پرداخت کننده نیز مشمول تحریم‌های آمریکا نیستند. مثال:کانال مالی سوئیس که تا کنون تنها یک تراکنش مالی در آن اتفاق افتاده.
Read 8 tweets
16 Jan
New from @CrisisGroup: our annual (maybe final) #IranDeal status report. The JCPOA is hanging by a thread: US has abrogated it, Iran has violated it, & Europe has put it on notice. A US-Iran tactical detente needed for breaking escalatory cycle. [Thread]
crisisgroup.org/middle-east-no…
2| We look at the two sides of the JCPOA's implementation record over the past year - nuclear commitments by Iran, and sanctions relief commitments for Iran. These are the two key elements that make up the deal, and they're dying by a thousand cuts.
3| In May 2019, Iran announced it would start curbing its nuclear compliance if the economic normalization expected from the deal doesn’t materialize. It has since carried out 5 steps rolling back its compliance, most recently on 5 Jan. nytimes.com/2020/01/05/wor…
Read 20 tweets
13 Jan
It would be a risky gambit if France/Germany/UK were to trigger the #IranDeal's Dispute Resolution Mechanism (DRM). Here's why [Thread]:
2| First question: What's the DRM?

Under JCPOA Article 36, a party to the deal can claim significant non-compliance by another party. Claim goes to Joint Commission, ministerial level/3-person advisory board, and eventually to UNSC if not resolved.

bit.ly/2tZ8jVG
3| Article 36 was devised to tackle technical breaches, not a political crisis prompted by U.S. exit & Article 37 is a poison pill. But duration of each stage in the process can be extended by mutual consent, though the end state of UNSC sanx sanpback could happen within 65 days.
Read 9 tweets
3 Jan
Some thoughts on #Soleimani's assassination [Thread]
1| first, this was not a far-fetched scenario. @khamenei_ir used to call him the living martyr for a reason. Almost every US admin in the past 2 decades had him in their crosshairs but calculated that the risks outweigh the potential benefits timesofisrael.com/mossad-chief-s…
2| But the war-mongers that this isolationist US president surrounded himself with were very keen on this objective for a while, thinking mistakenly that it would neuter and neutralize Iran's regional strategy: aljazeera.com/news/2019/10/i…
Read 14 tweets
18 Nov 19
1/ A Persian autumn of discontent? Some thoughts on the latest #IranProtests [Thread]
2/ On Fri, the Iranian govt raised gasoline prices by 300%, sparking widespread demonstrations. Even going by govt estimates, these protests have been significant in scale, scope and impact: More than a dozen killed, 150+ banks/shops attacked, >1000 arrested & internet shutdown
3/ These at minimum most serious protests since 2017/18. At the time, we warned that “if Iranian leaders fail to recognize that the status quo has become untenable and major reforms are unavoidable, they are only buying time until the next uprising”. bit.ly/2CRUh9d
Read 10 tweets

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