We’ve seen many misrepresentations of Italy. Now there’s the new #Draghi government – use the opportunity for a “New Southern Policy”! We wrote an article with data to debunk myths, and present ideas for moving forward. Thread #CAIN /1

braveneweurope.com/philipp-heimbe…
1.Due to Covid, Italy’s public debt has jumped to 160% of GDP. It’s important to understand why Italy's public debt was high already before Covid19: primarily as a legacy from the 1980s and 1990s, when interest rates on government bonds skyrocketed.
2.If we exclude the burden of interest payments, the Italian state is the world champion in running budget surpluses from the early 1990s up to Corona (“primary surpluses”). A lack of fiscal discipline locks different…
3.Running primary surpluses for 30 years had negative growth effects. Slow GDP growth relative to higher interest rates pushed up Italy's public-debt-to-GDP ratio. Too much fiscal consolidation is not good for debt sustainability.
4.Many claim that Italy just didn't do enough fiscal consolidation to fix its public finances. In fact, fiscal consolidation in Italy was far more sizeable than in any other advanced country (from early 1990s up to financial crisis). Austerity reduced growth.
5.Decades of tight fiscal policy have done real damage; in particular, the Italian health sector lost important capacity to offer adequate protection to the population during COVID-19 crisis; evidence: link.springer.com/content/pdf/10…
6.Public investment in Italy has fallen victim to fiscal austerity after the financial crisis. Investment has been cut more strongly than the €zone average, implying a decaying public capital stock - with negative short- and long-term growth effects.
7.I regularly read claims that grants from the EU recovery fund are just the next and largest round of European “gifts“ to Italy. In fact, Italy has so far been a net contributor to the EU budget, i.e. it has received less in EU funds than it has paid in terms of contributions.
8.Italy has been living beyond its means! But this claim is also false when looking at the economy. Since 2012, Italy has been recording higher exports of goods and services than imports. The country consumes less than it produces – living below its means!
9.Private debt is relatively low in Italy compared to other OECD countries. Much higher in some “frugal” countries (hello, Sweden/Netherlands/Denmark). Debt is in general certainly not more of an issue than in other countries.
10.Italy has carried out many market-liberal reforms. Labour market flexibilisation brought a sharp increase in fixed-term contracts and a decline in real wages. However, these structural reforms have contributed to reducing Italy's productivity growth.
11.Labour market liberalisation generated temporary jobs. However, cheap labour reduced real wages and diminished incentives for companies to make labour-saving investments – with negative effects on productivity, which is the basis for long-term growth.
12.Italy's persistent macroeconomic problems are partly a consequence of the shortcomings of the institutions, rules and policy prescriptions in the €zone. Fiscal consolidation and market-liberal reforms have not worked the promised magic.
13.Italy's economy has lost ground in the €zone: 20 years ago, in 2000, Italy's per capita income was virtually equal to that of Germany (98.6% of German GDP per capita). Since the introduction of the euro, however, it has declined relative to Germany and to the €zone average.
14.Italian politicians certainly have to bear responsibility. But the macro policy framework matters – those who don’t see that doubling down on labour market liberalisation and fiscal austerity in the existing framework won’t solve Italy’s problems share responsibility as well.
15.Italy has never been a haven of political stability—the new Draghi-led government is the 67th since the war—and mafia and corruption have long been embedded. Yet this did not hinder the Italian economy from developing quite dynamically at times.
16.Despite all problems, Italy still records the second highest share of industrial production in the EU (behind Germany). Italy exports significantly more industrial goods than it imports.
17.Italy is an essential industrial player in Europe, especially in mechanical engineering, vehicle construction and pharmaceutical products. The OECD classifies the industries concerned as ‘medium-high-tech’ to ‘high-tech’. Italy’s top exports groups are similar to Germany.
18.That’s one of the main reasons why other (“frugal”) EU countries would also benefit greatly if EU recovery fund money were spent in a way that accelerates recovery of the Italian economy. The stakes are high.
19.Italy is of systemic importance. Italian exit from the €zone would have ripple effects in the financial system and negative consequences for all members. We should think about this, esp. as we discuss reforming the EU’s fiscal rules and the future of EU industrial policy.
20.If fiscal austerity and market-liberal reforms have not improved Italy's outlook, a more promising way forward is to try a strong investment strategy and to give Italy's industry a boost by launching a modern industrial strategy.
21.A strong Italy in a strong EU would very much be in the interest of those who want Europe to preserve its model of a socially balanced liberal democracy. And it would be in the interest of those who want a strong Europe so that it can compete with the US and 🇨🇳.

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More from @heimbergecon

14 Feb
Campaign Against Italy Nonsense (#CAIN):

Here's a SUMMARY THREAD with seven stereotype-defying pieces of data about #Italy. The country is not a basket case. The dominant narrative is distorted, fuels resentment and leads to bad policy outcomes.

braveneweurope.com/philipp-heimbe… Image
1. Italians do not live beyond their means. Since 2012, Italy has been recording higher exports of goods and services than imports. The country consumes less than it produces – if anything, it lives below its means. Image
2. Private debt is relatively low in Italy compared to other OECD countries. Debt is not an issue for all sectors of the Italian economy. Image
Read 13 tweets
12 Feb
Ho recentemente lanciato un'iniziativa su twitter, la Campagna contro le sciocchezze sull'Italia (#CAIN). Finora ho twittato in inglese, ma ora cercherò di renderla disponibile anche in italiano. Questo thread spiega perché penso che questa iniziativa sia necessaria /1
ll modo in cui giornalisti e politici scrivono e parlano dell'Italia e del Sud Europa è spesso distorto - specialmente nell'opinione pubblica "frugale". L'Italia non è il caso disperato dell'immaginario popolare. Il modo in cui si parla delle cose conta molto. /2
Questo è stato evidente nelle prime fasi della crisi COVID, quando i leader "frugali" hanno usato immagini distorte del Sud Europa per ridimensionare le sovvenzioni del recovery fund dell'UE. /3
Read 14 tweets
12 Feb
As the announcement of the New Draghi government is approaching, here is a thread with a couple of thoughts why I think that political leaders in Europe should push for a "New Southern Policy". Bottom line: the EU as a whole would be stronger with a strengthened Italy /1 #CAIN
Italy certainly has significant structural problems, e.g. the banking sector, the North-South divide, organized crime or dysfunctional political elements. Other members also have their own problems. The question is: Under what conditions is Italy able to tackle such problems? /2
In this country of 60 million people, my reading of the political economy situation is that economic decline relative to other members over the last 20 years has been a breeding ground for fatalism rather than optimism. /3
Read 9 tweets
11 Feb
Campaign Against Italy Nonsense:

I receive comments such as: Ok, I get your data, but what can we do to make this work? A thread with ideas on achieving North-South convergence and making the €zone work for all countries /1

socialeurope.eu/keeping-the-pr…

#CAIN
In its current architecture, the eurozone is a web of glass—superficially stable, but brittle when subject to shocks. To avoid a break-up and render it resilient for the long term, the sources of this fragility must be identified and remedied. /2
The reasons for the €Z’s fragility are essentially political; technical solutions have been on the table for years. There is a lack of intergovernmental trust, especially in the North, and a lack of legitimacy in the eyes of the population, especially in the South. /3
Read 21 tweets
8 Feb
I receive pushback by mainstream voices in Italy: "Don't say that 🇮🇹 pushed for large fiscal consolidation already! Don't say that there were labour market deregulation measures, which have not worked magic. It's too radical!"

I think moderates should wake up. Thread /1

#CAIN
The monopoly for criticising economic policy should not be in the hands of radical voices. I think one of the reasons why we are where we are is that the "mainstream" has for too long remained silent and fallen in line with the fiscal consolidation/structural reforms mantra. /2
I think we should be honest and say: running large primary surpluses over 30 years has had serious economic and political side effects. We should not just say: let's double down and push even more after the COVID19 crisis. It will not work. /3
Read 5 tweets
7 Feb
Campaign Against Italy Nonsense #CAIN

This thread presents data that strongly reject claims that 🇮🇹's problem has been a lack of fiscal discipline.

Italy is the pre-Corona world champion of fiscal consolidation - with problems for investment, growth and debt sustainability /1
Many claim that Italy just didn't do enough fiscal consolidation to fix its public finances. In fact, fiscal consolidation in Italy was far more sizeable than in any other advanced country (from early 1990s up to financial crisis) - according to IMF data. /2
Due to Covid, Italy’s public debt has jumped to ~160% of GDP. It’s important to understand why Italy's public debt was high already before Corona: primarily because of the legacy of the 1980s and 1990s, when interest rates on government bonds skyrocketed. /3
Read 9 tweets

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