We've been given by his speech a deep dive into the details of the current agreement, and Vivien A. Schmidt now dives into questions of HOW we got here
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"Another question: what happens if the UK does lose 5% of GDP in the next decade (as predicted)? And what happens if either the UK or the UK and EU thrive? How will the relationship dynamic develop?"
"How did we end up here? It's a Venn diagram of where the red lines intersected. The British government's actions were pushed by national politics, so a thin deal was inevitable"
"It may not have been acknowledged in those terms, but in all aspects, the deal is bad for the UK. Even the staunchest Brexiteers are against it. And the UK will have to blame the EU."
"#BorisJohnson prioritised a sovereignty-first #Brexit. Which buried economic considerations and economic understanding was supplanted by the Brexit discourse"
"N. Ireland is a major source of instability; the continuing desire of the Uk government to play politics with the deal is a concern; and we're seeing a major clash of models"
"I don't think the UK recognises the EU as a legitimate actor. Dominic Raab's Foreign Office does not recognise the EU ambassadors, and David Frost always referred to - not the EU, but - 'your international organisation' in negotiations"
"There is a Trumpian faction within the UK government, which believes that when they talk to the EU, they are talking to something which shouldn't exist, something of a lesser importance. So depending on who steers the UK, cooperation may be very difficult"
"The next 12 months is a critical time in getting the institutions of the TCA working, solve the NI protocol, and depoliticise the whole issue. But the UK government does not want to do so"
"If the UK pursues only bilateral relations between London, Paris, and Berlin, they will fail. Because no EU Member State will privilege its allegiance to the UK over its allegiance to the EU"
"Looking at the TCA, there are areas (like aviation) where there has to be cooperation. In a way, there is a mechanical cooperation which must take place"
"To think of the current Conservative party and government: there are anti-statists among the party as well as the Trumpists, who not only detest the EU but also the organisation of the State"
"Another significant factor is the absence of check or balance: the Labour Party offers no alternative vision of relations, neither does the press. So it's hard to see how there can be a domestic pressure for change"
"I spoke to financial services organisations in the City, and relayed their concerns to the EU, who immediately took it onboard. There was no such concession from the British negotiating team, where ideology took precedence"
"There is denial about the consequences of the deal, and there is a fundamental asymmetry which cannot be acknowledged yet on the UK side. Until there is a change of perspective in London, it's difficult to see any change"
After these initial rounds from our roundtable, we move onto a dynamic Q&A session, focusing on the differences in vaccine rollout and what this might mean for the dynamics of the relationship, checks in N. Ireland, and politicisation
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Michael Keating begins by outlining the divisions within the UK: Scotland voted 62% to Remain, an support for the EU has since become associated with a support for Scottish independence
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"There is also the question of England, where support for #Brexit isn't associated with a feeling of Britishness but a feeling - specifically - of 'Englishness'"
.@joshaw adds to Michael Keating's analysis: "we could have a long debate about the relationship between the legal, political, and constitutional. But ultimately what we are seeing a move towards illiberal constitutionalism"
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"The British government can't follow four years of 'we must leave the EU, economy be damned' with an argument to Scotland that they cannot vote for independence for economic reasons"
"Even Wales, which did vote to Leave, is seeing increased signs of support for more autonomy from London. The Internal Market Act has caused a lot of opposition in Wales as well as Scotland and NI"
"The British government says it wants a #GlobalBritain, but the sceptics will say that this is meaningless in the wake of a #LittleBritain pursuit of #Brexit
We move onto the second question of our third roundtable at the #DiCEConference
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"#Brexit is the paradoxical confluence of the right wing side of the Conservative party who supported Brexit in the name of #GlobalBritain and an anti-globalisation cohort who are against the delocalisation of production"
Our questions concern mainly the unity (or disunity?) of the UK in the wake of Brexit: increasing tensions between Scotland, NI, Wales, and England, as well as threats to devolution
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.@StefaanDeRynck begins his presentation: "what worked on the EU side is unity and solidarity. Ireland benefitted, yes, but all of Europe benefitted"
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"The Barnier Slide was useful in visualising the choices the UK had: from the start, the UK was clearly warned that as a third country, it is up to the UK to make their own choices"
"Boris Johnson was simply much better at #Brexit than Theresa May. He understood the staircase model. It was easier to negotiate than it had been with the previous gvmt which sought an impossible bespoke model"
1) Protect the peace process 2) How to manage the trade impact 3) Protecting the Common Travel Area 4) Protect IE's position in the Single Market and EU
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.@GeorginaEWright explains that - in many in the conversations she has had over the years - it came as a surprise that the UK didn't better understand the new dynamic of negotiating a third country
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"Given the UK government do not want a close relationship, how does the EU respond to that? If the EU is seriously thinking of how to work with the UK, then it needs a new proposal to attract the UK"
"The general view in Paris is caution: they know they have a strong bilateral relationship with the UK (although #Brexit acrimony does lead in slightly), but they are still dedicated to the strong EU position"
"Brexiteers think that Britain is so important that the EU will bend to their will. Even some Remainers have asked me if this is the case. This is not the case"
After a dynamic Q&A with our participants in the #DiCEConference Witness Panel, our moderator @NicolePirozzi closes the panel, and opens up our concluding remarks of the conference
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"This was our first #DiCEConference, and I can't think of a better subject than #Brexit: that example of a country championing opt-outs in the past, and now reorganising its relationship with the EU as a third country"
Thanks to all who have participated not only today, but throughout the conference!
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You can stay tuned for more in the coming days and weeks, including the continuation of our #DiCEWebinars series and much more from #InDivEU, @EU3Dh2020, and @IdeaEu
.@NicolePirozzi is telling us all about @IdeaEu's work to monitor and assess the #Brexit process, "but also to understand the impact the impact of Brexit in external cooperation in economy, security, and migration"
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For all the highlights from the second day of the @aces_for conference, keep updated here, or #Zoom in yourself!
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"Experimentalist Governance and Differentiated Integration:
Alternatives or Complements?" is the first panel, moderated by @IdeaEu's Sandra Lavenex, and featuring speakers from the #InDivEU project
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After Jonathan Zeitlin's presentation, Bernardo Rangoni presents his findings on the topic of electricity regulation
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Jonathan Zeitlin from #InDivEU is currently opening the @aces_for annual conference: "Differentiated Integration and the #FutureofEurope: Promises, Pitfalls, Pathways"
Sandra Lavenex from @IdeaEu begins her presentation on #Differentiation by giving a vision of Differentiated Integration through the prism of a "condominio"
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Moderator Christian Frommelt from @LieInstitut has just introduced Axel Dittmann (@GermanyonBrexit) from @GermanyDiplo to explain #EU2020DE's approach to #Brexit: "to get a good deal in the remaining time that satisfies both sides"
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The Chair of our first panel, Wojciech Gagatek from @UniWarszawski, has just opened the proceedings on our first panel of DAY 2 of the #InDivEU Mid-Term Conference!
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In this first panel, we hear from two papers:
-> Effects of #DifferentiatedIntegration of EU Institutional Trust
-> Differentiated Integration, Actually: the Danish Case in Justice and Home Affairs
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Ioannis Vergioglou from @ETH_en is taking us through the methodology and results of this first paper
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