Remember that Art.16 is designed to deal with temporary situations, so it can't be a permanent tool (we'll leave the review and cross-linkage aspects for now), so essentially UK can use it only 2 purposes:
- easing pressure on NI
- raising pressure on EU to renegotiate
2/
On easing pressure,l on NI, the only limit to disapplication of Protocol is that which is under UK control (ie can't stop EU doing what they do)
That means - at most - full disapplication w/in NI/rUK
3/
(Again, let's ignore lesser steps for now, esp in light of second aim)
4/
Disapplication of this kind would remove all checks between NI/rUK and all export checks w/in NI
Great for NI exporters and intra UK traders, but...
5/
Borders sadly have two sides, so checks on EU side a possibility (pace GFA), plus NI would no longer be (legally) aligned w EU regulation in Protocol domains, so EU could argue products are not verifiably compliant and halt trade
6/
(This is addition to be Art.16 reviewing, the resumed legal cases, and the general bus-crashing BTW)
7/
So disapplication might helps some aspects of NI economy, but with major downside of huge disruption to N-S trade and supply
So Art.16 doesn't much help NI
8/
But maybe that doesn't matter if it gets EU to table to find a new solution
Let's recap here
9/
I know some only discovered the Irish issue rather later in the Art.50 day, but it was a central (maybe THE central) focus of negotiation from very early on in the withdrawal process, from 2017 onwards
10/
Old hands might recall such buzzwords as 'joint report', 'alternative arrangements', 'maxfac', 'Chequers' and more
All about NI
11/
Every possible way of trying to handle the commitments under Good Friday, UK and EU territorial integrity has been gone over, again and again and again
And the Protocol was the outcome
12/
It's not a great outcome, because everyone has to wear some costs, but it's less worse than any of the other options
That was true in 2019, and it's still true now
13/
So even if EU were minded to renegotiate, what could it possibly renegotiate to?
Have yet to see any model that improves UK/NI outcomes that is also consistent with EU legal order
14/
Tl;dr of using Art.16 is that it wouldn't unambiguously help NI trade, it doesn't provide a better alternative to Protocol and it would totally ruin what's left of UK-EU relations
(Would make AUKUS row seem trifling though)
/end
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Thought I'd check how much COM Presidents have actually talked about Brexit in #SOTEU, following VdL's complete silence yesterday
1/
Yes, this is the first #SOTEU that has unambiguously avoided the topic since 2013 (note, no speeches in 2014 or 2019), but 2016 also made no direct reference (although certainly can read entire content that year as repost to #EURef)
2/
2015 was easily the longest absolute text, reaffirming value of UK membership
2017 was very passing
2018 & 20 were about need to conclude negotiations
3/
tl;dr the UK isn't credibly able to pursue this option, but that doesn't seem to stop its periodic reappearance
2/
Today's variant is essentially the same, but instead of you being the madman, someone else is, and you're trying to use that to leverage concessions from your counterpart
3/
So #UACES2021 is a wrap. Another excellent demonstration of the strength of European Studies and convening power of @UACES (plus of what a lovely bunch of people you all are)
Huge thanks to UACES office for their hard work to make this all happen, @emlinne, Melina & Emma
1/
The end of #UACES2021 also means I take up my role as @UACES Chair. @NicholasStartin has been a model of leadership and collegiality during an even-more-than-expected period of disruption and I hope to build on his many good works
2/
.@UACES has always been my 'home' association and it's always been a place of support and encouragement and I look forward to making sure that continues for all our members, alongside my fellow officers @JocelynMawdsley@DrKathrynSimps@RGuerrina
3/
I'm going to go through this once again, today mainly because 'we didn't realise how the Northern Ireland Protocol would work in practice' is no grounds for trying to get out of your treaty commitments
Two options for Frost today: present a new plan for NI Protocol, or repeat old lines
So how would those play out?
1/
New plan is unlikely to fly, mainly because the ground has been very thoroughly worked over during the past 4-5 years
But let's imagine someone's had a bright idea
2/
A necessary precondition for that new plan would be to show how it ensures all EU needs are met at least as well as now. Otherwise it's a non-starter
3/