Difference has always been at the heart of #InternationalRelations (#IR)
- The very notion of ‘relations’ requires difference between the units doing the relating
- Despite the name, IR focused on states rather than nations as the units that related to each other.
These states, seen as clearly distinguishable were often imagined to represent particular nations, which could be seen as different - & neatly, even ‘naturally’ bordered from each other (e.g. Agnew, 1994).
https://wwhttps://www.tandfonline.com/doi/abs/10.1080/09692299408434268
Simplifying (somewhat), (Neo-)‘Realist’ approaches have built up from *quantitative* readings of difference – there are many identifiable states, but ‘a state, is a state, is a state’ – nuanced mainly with respect to capabilities, size & interests
Simplifying (somewhat) again, ‘Liberal’ approaches focused more on *qualitative* difference between states – especially regarding regime type (democracy/dictatorship) augmented by considering intl organisations & (some) non-state actors.
Both Realism & Liberalism remained focused on the state as clearly bounded prime conduit for & unit of International Relations.
🔥This has been well challenged by 'Constructivist' 'Critical' & 'Postpositivist' IR, which objected to 'Methodological Nationalism' & State Centrism🔥
that reified borders, essentialised nations, atomised societies & excluded important actors from analysis. In IR, one place in which this critical approach - including to the analysis of the international politics of culture (like the Kraftwerk piece) has been @ISA_IPSsection
& the broader IPS (International Political Sociology) scholarly community.
BUT some went further & called for IR to abandon 'the international' in favour of 'the global'
In IPS, Dirk Nabers & @frankstengel have been clearest & most radical on this
for them, the international, is hopelessly associated with state-centric scholarship which has "impeded our understanding of politics rather than stimulating it."
Instead we should take a global view that affirms the "non-existence of inside/outside distinctions"
and which make the limit between internal & external ... self & other ... impossible to identify."
Escaping methodological nationalism & state-centrism are good goals -but doing so in this way, by abandoning the international, would come at too high a cost IMO.
IR would lose its unique perspective (& value added even if it has yet to fully realise this) journals.sagepub.com/doi/pdf/10.117…
By forsaking the international in this way, IR would also lose sight of 'the national' - a key mode of identification & meaning-making for people - despite nationalism still being a major phenomenon - as @sini_malesevic shows in his magisterial book, which everyone should read
Like @wrbucla, @sini_malesevic compellingly shows how & why national categories endure & why it makes sense to use them in analyses of e.g. 'German' music, society or culture (as in my Kraftwerk piece).
BUT, these political sociologies come with dangers of their own ...
Malešević notes the role of recognition of nation-states by other states & intl orgs & in intl law, & notes how national prestige is affected by e.g. sporting success, at no point does he afford a constitutive role for national identity to the international.
Instead, these interactions take place in 'the international arena' which implies atomistic, pre-formed states & nations competing or cooperating.
- and thus reproduces some of the problematic tendencies that Nabers & Stengel see in state-centric, methodologically national IR.
Malešević also dismisses cosmopolitan theories of globalisation (that individualise identity & erode national feeling) as irrelevant, elite preoccupations. That would mean overlooking a large part of Germany's postwar history (as well as Kraftwerk's)
& thus didn't appeal to me
In the article, I show how, using #Multiplicity (a new approach to IR), we can navigate a middle course between the indifferentiable 'critical global' & the 'grounded [& all too bounded] national'
I'll do an explainer on Multiplicity soon but for now, here's what's important
Multiplicity takes the broader scope (non-state actors, culture, society) of post-positivist approaches, & their permeable, relational understanding of e.g. societal actors & formations & uses this to understand inter-societal constitution & politics journals.sagepub.com/doi/pdf/10.117…
By using #Multiplicity's co-constitutive approach:
- All societies are inter-societal,
- All nations are inter-national
we can explore how the ways these societies & nations co-exist, interact, combine & change
➡️affects claims or impositions of difference & Identity
This means that we can analyse & interpret how national societies remain 'particular' without being essentialising or overly-bounding them. We can look at how they make each other, in relation
[how, e.g. German society was shaped by & shaped UK & US societies in my piece)
& what this means for how different societies - & people - can live (& die).
So #Multiplicity offers a way to re-imagine & thus retain the international as IR's primary point or analysis - which is something other disciplines don't offer multiplicity.online
I hope I show the value of that in the analysis of #Kraftwerk & postwar 🇩🇪 history & identity in the article & thread, which draw on but also add something different to the wonderful Cultural Studies literature & journalism on the band & #Germany.
So, there you go, a small, simplified illustration of Multiplicity's potential to bring a different understanding of identity & difference to #IPS & #IR - this is intended as a teaser so please read the piece before piling on me. :) /END journals.sagepub.com/doi/abs/10.117…
PS - #Multiplicity is an emerging research programme in #IR. The pieces from the Special Issue of @CoCo_journal coming out now (incl. the Kraftwerk piece) show some of its developments.
We have a @europeanisa#EWIS2022 workshop in July & #PEC2022 section in Sept. Stay tuned!
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#Germany’s moral authority is currently under extreme duress (to put it mildly).
The role of 🇩🇪 identity & history in its response to #Ukraine has come up again & again.
I have a new piece out that deals with both of these issues (& more)
-A 🧵
The article looks at the thoroughly *international* politics of Germany’s postwar period, from 1945 to the present by looking at the electronic music pioneers Kraftwerk, their mission, context, reception & influence journals.sagepub.com/doi/full/10.11…
Kraftwerk are today widely recognised as one of the most influential band’s in music history – but also as being illustrative of & key actors in a moves to create a new and better German identity after the war.
WE NEED TO TALK ABOUT HOW WE TALK ABOUT #GERMANY
This thread (pic) gained a lot of traction
But gives a misleading impression (to put it mildly)
Rooted in an outdated view of German identity
That excuses inaction on #Ukraine & makes much needed 🇩🇪change much less likely.
🧵
The thread starts from the premise that the main driver of 🇩🇪 policy is a demilitarised, non-aggressive identity that seeks to be a 'force for good'. It understands this as forged in reaction to the Nazi period (seen as a key lens through which #Germany is perceived abroad). 2/
Now, I'm very sympathetic to the idea that national identity matters in (foreign) policy - & that national identity is shaped inter-nationally. In fact I have an academic article about to be published on just that ... focusing on ... #Germany.
Which discusses at length ... 3/
This article by @andrewduffEU is sadly typical of group think in & around the Brussels bubble.
“Nobody who knows how the Brussels institutions work-without a strong government-can be confident the EU is fit to internalize #Ukraine’s national problem.” 1/
It’s a well informed piece (from an #EU perspective) that on the surface might sound eminently reasonable- like some other recent attempts to fob off #Ukraine with 2nd class options. BUT, the quote in the previous tweet gives the game away. It shows 🇺🇦 is seen as a problem 2/
Rather than being recognised as the #EU’s best geopolitical opportunity in a generation, #Ukraine is presented as a cost, a burden to be borne, not a huge potential benefit to be embraced, or a possibility for EU renewal to be welcomed. 3/
paging @SeanMolloyIR@meibauIR@Simon_the_Pratt - and anyone else who might know - are there any videos/ videos of lectures you'd recommend dealing with inter-war IR - specifically Carr's trashing of Angell, Nicholson, Woolf, Toynbee, et al? have you recorded anything on this?
and, having previously read Ashworth & others on this topic, I recently came across this piece that I hadn't read before - any thoughts, if you know it? tandfonline.com/doi/abs/10.108…
Recent Publications & Threads (A 🧵)
I. Articles & Commentaries Published
II. Interviews with me on (European) Politics & Security
III. Threads on #Ukraine#Germany#EU#UK#CEE and more.
Gathered in one place ...
This is exactly why EU states, with the Atlantic Allies, Ukraine, allies in the Indo-Pacific & others who want to be on board & are willing to contribute - need a new common vision of regional & global order.
What, why & what for?
Who is involved & how?
How to make it happen.
There is a lot to work with - mutual interests, shared values, common ideals. BUT our current institutions are not up to the task & without a greater contribution from others (Europeans in Europe, allies in Indo-Pacific) are not viable. To change we need to know why & for what
we do so-&, underlying it all, is the need to re-inspire our populations to contribute to bettering our highly connected destinies. we can make better futures for all of us-but only by re-imagining & re-inventing, as well as re-enchanting our common actions.