Why have #schoolvouchers programs persisted and expanded despite a more lopsided base of objective evidence against them than nearly any other current #edpolicy#education initiative?
A few reasons 🧵🪡
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First is that today #schoolvouchers activists are directly part of the larger #trump-style revanchist and anti-democratic turn in American politics since Obama’s second term.
Politically their success is intertwined. 2/
But as a policy matter too we see #schoolvouchers linger around even as #education research has tried to place itself in an #evidencebased position to inform policy.
If evidence were all that informed #edpolicy then vouchers would have been dead a decade ago.
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There are plenty of political progressives in #education#research that see the same data I do and still give #schoolvouchers a break in ways almost no other programs get.
I think this is partly because the intellectual root for vouchers comes from #economics
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And quantitative #edpolicy researchers are overly susceptible to Econ theory (even bad theory like Friedman) as they mostly borrow metrics.
An #economics link is seen by some as code for “rigor.” As if mathematical elegance is the same thing as empirically grounded.
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That willingness to assume “mixed” results when really they’re pretty one-sided against #schoolvouchers—especially over the last decade—becomes a vacuum that activists fill with their own “studies.” But mostly promises.
That in turn affects media coverage and public debate.
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Mostly I think it comes down to decades of withering attacks on #publiceducation and the false promises plans like #schoolvouchers sell.
#Publicschools are so ingrained with American society that they’re like a family member we love but are so close we see their flaws…
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Those flaws provide enough fertile ground for extremists to sow doubts and pitch a seemingly hot new alternative—except this #schoolvouchers paramour will leave you desperate and broke.
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The reality is #schoolvouchers/privatization are simply updates of old anti-governmental schemes dating back to massive resistance to civil rights in the 50s/60s: ideas that leverage both latent and apparent white affluent desire for separateness.
With one new pathetic twist: 9/
That twist is exploiting parent-investors who imagine themselves better off in a speculator’s Edu-market than what a public good can provide. Like giving up defined benefits for wildly unstable crypto-markets.
That’s it in a nutshell. #schoolvouchers persist because they fuse older anti-government, Christian-nationalist social ideas with a new crypto-bro mentality that everyone is better off on their own—and taxpayer $$ for #publiceducation are just there to loot and hoard.
Right-wing think tankers slam academic voucher experts because our work predicts key policy failures.
As early as 2007, evaluators in Cleveland found 69.5% voucher users were in private school already—a spot-on estimate of rates reported in the following 10 states today 👇
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First up, Arizona, where 70%+ voucher users were in private school already
But here’s the general pattern, using this EdChoice table as an example (there are many more): 1/ 🧵
First is the absence of abysmal negative OH, and IN results by teams led by Figlio and Berends, respectively.
Those studies use panel data and methods and find terrible statewide at-scale voucher effects—hugely relevant to legislation today. 2/ chalkbeat.org/2018/8/9/21107…
But #schoolvouchers advocates drop them from tables like the 👆 because they’re not lottery-based studies. It’s true that lotteries are gold standard evaluation tool—but have well-known limitations re: scale and generalizability—key issues today.
It’s not just that they’re almost all for-profit. They are but #OhioEd has for-profit charters for example and much greater 🔎. #mileg#mipol#migov@Network4pubEd
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For-profit #charterschools run on small profit margins for students—as far as we can tell. So it gives charters like those in MI every incentive to cut corners. That’s one problem. #mipol#migov#mileg
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But here’s something I’m guessing MI charters really don’t want #mileg members or #miched journalists looking into: property holdings.
The real profit is in various property bought and maintained with tax support. @NPEaction
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There’s a #schoolvouchers link to the #January6thReport. It centers around attorney Cleta Mitchell who led Trump’s GA pressure efforts after the vote. #BigLie
Mitchell is also Board Secretary for the Lynde and Harry Bradley Foundation, a huge #schoolvouchers backer out of Wisconsin that’s given $millions to voucher research and advocacy.
First: a win’s a win. It’s good to see #schoolvouchers stopped anywhere. The push to privatize is so relentless, so well-funded by such a narrow swath of backers, it can feel like swinging in the dark against it.
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But more concretely: the KY Court found that #schoolvouchers tax credit shell game was a budget commitment even though it’s not a direct appropriation. Reducing revenue by $10 is the same as spending $10.
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