..submitted to the Attorney General [AG] pursuant to 28 C.F.R. § 600.8(c), which states that, "[a]t the conclusion of the Special Counsel's work, he ... shall provide the AG a confidential report explaining the prosecution or declination decisions
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Evidence of Russian government operations began to surface in mid-2016.
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Additional releases followed in July through the organization WikiLeaks, with further releases in October and November.
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presidency and worked to secure that outcome,
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For those reasons, the Office's focus in analyzing questions of joint criminal liability was on conspiracy as defined in federal law.
We understood coordination to require an agreement-tacit or express- between the Trump Campaign and the Russian government on election interference.
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Volume I describes the factual results of the Special Counsel's investigation of Russia's interference in the 2016 presidential election and its interactions with the Trump Campaign.
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Sections II and III describe the principal ways Russia interfered in the 2016 presidential election.
Section IV describes links between the Russian government and individuals associated with the Trump Campaign.
RUSSIAN SOCIAL MEDIA CAMPAIGN
The Internet Research Agency (IRA) carried out the earliest Russian interference operations identified by the investigation- a social media campaign designed to provoke and amplify political and social discord in the US.
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The IRA later used social media accounts and interest groups to sow discord in the U.S. political system through what it termed "information warfare."
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At the same time that the IRA operation began to focus on supporting candidate Trump in early 2016, the Russian gov't employed a second form of interference: cyber intrusions (hacking) and releases of hacked materials damaging to the Clinton Campaign.
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The GRU later released additional materials through the organization WikiLeaks.
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Around the same time, candidate Trump announced that he hoped Russia would recover emails described as missing from a private server used by Clinton when she was Secretary of State
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WikiLeaks began releasing Podesta' s stolen emails on October 7, 2016, less than one hour after a U.S. media outlet released video considered damaging to candidate Trump.
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The social media campaign and the GRU hacking operations coincided with a series of contacts between TRUMP Campaign officials and individuals with ties to the Russian government.
and that the Campaign expected it would benefit electorally from information stolen and released through Russian efforts,
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business connections,
offers of assistance to the Campaign,
invitations for candidate Trump and Putin to meet in person,
invitations for Campaign officials and representatives of the Russian government to meet,
Section IV of this Report details the contacts between Russia and the Trump Campaign during the campaign and transition periods, the most salient of which are summarized below in chronological order.
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Some of the earliest contacts were made in connection with a Trump Organization real-estate project in Russia known as Trump Tower Moscow.
Candidate Trump signed a Letter of lntent for Trump Tower Moscow by November 2015, and in January 2016 Trump Organization executive
The Trump Organization pursued the project through at least June 2016, including by considering travel to Russia by Cohen and candidate Trump.
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Campaign foreign policy advisor George Papadopoulos made early contact
with Joseph Mifsud, a London-based professor who had connections to Russia and traveled to Moscow in April 2016.
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representative of a foreign govt that the Trump Campaign had received indications from the Russian govt that it could assist the Campaign through the anonymous release of info damaging to candidate Clinton.
No meeting took place.
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Russian outreach to the Trump Campaign continued into the summer of
2016, as candidate Trump was becoming the presumptive Republican nominee for President.
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"part of Russia and its government's support for Mr. Trump."
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Page had lived and worked in Russia between 2003 and 2007.
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The Campaign then distanced itself from Page and, by late September 2016, removed him from the Campaign.
On July 22, 2016, WikiLeaks posted thousands of internal DNC documents revealing information about the Clinton Campaign.
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the Russian government was behind the theft of emails and documents from the DNC.
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Kilimnik requested the meeting to deliver in person
both men believed the plan would require candidate Trump's assent to succeed (were he to be elected President).
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and the sharing continued for some period of time after their August meeting.
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On October 7, 2016, the media released video of candidate Trump speaking in
graphic terms about women years earlier, which was considered damaging to his candidacy.
Less than an hour later, WikiLeaks made its second release: thousands of John Podesta's emails
The FBI and other U.S. government institutions were at the time continuing their investigation of suspected Russian government efforts to interfere in the presidential election.
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Immediately after the November 8 election, Russian government officials and prominent Russian businessmen began trying to make inroads into the new administration.
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Dmitriev and Prince later met face-to-face in January 2017 in the Seychelles and discussed U.S.-Russia relations.
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As with any counterintel. investigation, this will also include an assessment of whether any crimes were committed."
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In reaching the charging decisions described in Volume 1 of the report, the Office determined whether the conduct it found amounted to a violation of federal criminal law chargeable under the Principles of Federal Prosecution.
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Many of the individuals and entities involved in the social media
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Those lies materially impaired the investign of Russian election interference.
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For example, the investigation established that interactions between Russian Ambassador Kislyak and Trump Campaign officials both at the candidate's Apr 16
And the investigation did not establish that one Campaign official's efforts to dilute a portion of the GOP platform on providing
The investigation also did not establish that a meeting between Kislyak and Sessions in Sept 2016 at Sessions's Senate office included any more than a passing mention of the presidential campaign.
Some individuals invoked their Fifth Amendment right against compelled self-incrimination and were not,
The Office limited its pursuit of other witnesses and information-such as information known to attorneys or individuals claiming to be members of the media-in light of internal Dept of Justice policies.
well-numerous witnesses and subjects lived abroad, and documents were held outside the United States.
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Accordingly, while this report embodies factual and legal