52/ this involves a subordination of textual-linguistic codes (signifier/signified), or hermeneutic codes (signification/meaning, or statements/institution) to “forces,”
53/ i.e. to what we call *partial organs of power* onto which properly political relations (fascisization/subversion, Mastery/Rebellion) come to be articulated.
54/ The first relation goes from codes to power relations, and this is because it is already political due to its principal--and not linguistic (signified/signifier) or hermeneutic (signification/meaning)--term,
55/ because it can then be overdetermined by the tension of a fascistic pole of condensation and by a subversive and critical pole of dissemination.
56/ From the Nietzschean point of view, and thus also from the auto-critical political point of view of Nietzsche's text, the classical codes that fulfill linguistic or hermeneutic functions are unintelligible outside their essence: force as drive and power.
57/ Abstracted from this political process or from these complex power relations that make them produce their own effects, these codes induce readings that are not immediately political or that are political by delegation and secondary effect.
58/ Inversely, it is also all abstracted from plating the massive fascism/revolution opposition onto the *themes* exracted from the text or even onto a simple labor of the signifier.
59/ The four ends of the chain must be held, and each of the four terms must be related—starting with what can obviously always be recomposed from the ideological and falsified “Nietzsches”—to the complex unity of this problematic.
60/ This is an intrinsically political problematic because it solely introduces power relations.
61/ For Nietzsche, how is the signifier as well as the signified a specified force or a specified drive whose functional properties the writer and the thinker (but also the reader) have become capable of exploiting?
62/ Whether they are capable of exploiting them is primarily a problem of power, then a problem of the fascistic or revolutionary use of this power.
63/ Whether they know it or not, and whether they make a fascistic or subversive usage of Nietzsche, the relation to Nietzsche is a political relation from the start.
64/ Politics in this new sense is always unavoidable in the relation to any author whatsoever, but the specifics of the relation to Nietzsche is that politics is announced or designated there as constitutive of this relation.
65/ Nietzsche is the only thinker for whom, even more so than for Marx, *politics is what's at stake* (as cause of the fascistic or rebellious subject),
66/ i.e. a production both of the dominant power and of anti-power or resistance to dominant forces: each going to the end of what it can do, fascism or revolution. [End of subsection 4]
67/ 5. Nevertheless, we still have not known the full extent of the Quadripartition.
