I’ve been debating since the report came out whether to provide a proper critique. As a senior advisor to the #AfghanistanStudyGroup I feel some decorum toward the effort is warranted. But I also don’t fully agree with where the plenary group ended up. 2/n
So, rather than provide a full critique of the entire report as I might normally do, here I’ll focus on two main points that have been bugging me. #AfghanistanStudyGroup 3/n
The first point has been raised by many others already: the #AfghanistanStudyGroup’s assumption that the US unilaterally blowing past the US-#Taliban Agreement’s 1 May deadline for full withdrawal of US troops w/o doing so won’t result in the collapse of the peace process. 4/n
The #Taliban have been pretty clear all along that they would view such a move as the US abrogating the US-TB agreement and they have reiterated that stance in response to the #AfghanistanStudyGroup’s report. 5/n tolonews.com/afghanistan-16…
The people I know who speak to the #Taliban have heard the same directly from the group. These people believe that, at best, a one-time extension of 6-8 months might be feasible if the US agreed to additional concessions in new, direct negotiations w/the TB. 6/n
This means that the likely outcome of the #AfghanistanStudyGroup’s recommendations is actually the report’s *Policy Pathway 2*: collapse of peace talks & the US recommitting to #Afghanistan’s govt. 7/n
Which brings me to the second point. The #AfghanistanStudyGroup report paints a fair picture of US interests in #Afghanistan & makes clear that the US cannot secure these interests unilaterally. IMHO, this might be the report’s strongest contribution. 8/n
However, it whiffs on the patron-client dynamics that result from this fact. Most notably, while the #AfghanistanStudyGroup report acknowledges corruption in #Afghanistan’s government, it seriously understates how massive & pervasive that corruption is... 9/n
...as well as how much the #Taliban-led insurgency is enabled & prolonged by it. The #AfghanistanStudyGroup report therefore makes significantly erroneous assumptions as to how much the US can do about corruption in #Afghanistan. 10/n
Let’s be real: We barely put a dent in #Afghanistan govt corruption during the surge; attempts at conditionality of aid haven’t worked; we had to threaten a $1B cut to the #ANDSF just to get a govt negotiation team formed—& *now* we’re going to do better w/only 2500 troops? 11/n
NO. WE’RE NOT. #Afghanistan’s govt is *corrupt* & 👏will 👏remain 👏so. The client is chronically ill & the patron has no effective medicine for it. This is where the #AfghanistanStudyGroup’s Red Team comes in. 12/n
The #AfghanistanStudyGroup’s Red Team section recognizes this issue & its implications: a structural inability of #Afghanistan’s government to secure US interests & the resultant ascendancy of the #Taliban. 13/n
From there, it argues for a more middle-of-the-road stance: recognizing that we lack *any* client in #Afghanistan that can fully secure US interests, why not take a position between the govt & #Taliban that favors neither exclusively? 14/n
There are certainly counter arguments to be made against the Red Team’s policy formulation, but the point is that its proposition starts from a more realistic interpretation of the current situation in #Afghanistan & a debate on its merits would be a fruitful exercise. 15/n
So what does all this mean IRT the #AfghanistanStudyGroup report? IMHO it means you (& the Biden admin) should pay the most attention to Policy Pathway 2 & the Red Team section, since the former is where the ASG recs lead & the latter is the most realistic discussion. 16/16
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As was the case for Trump & Obama before him, Biden will inherit a war in #Afghanistan that’s trending in the wrong direction, in terms of violence, casualties, #Taliban control. Dèjá vu of this article I wrote four years ago. 2/n
But Biden will also inherit a peace process that didn’t exist previously. He will also inherit the US-#Taliban agreement. Both of these are new dynamics from when Biden was last in the White House. 3/n state.gov/wp-content/upl…
So, I did a little more analysis on the lists of agenda items reportedly put forth by the government of #Afghanistan and the #Taliban (listed in this @TOLOnews article from yesterday). Some observations in this THREAD. 1/n tolonews.com/afghanistan-16…
In the table below, I tried to combine some of the like themes on each side & then compare them to each other--to identify areas of overlap & gaps. Areas of strong overlap include drugs, corruption, care for war disabled/wounded, & ceasefire. 2/n
Areas of moderate/limited overlap (which includes areas where one side was very broad but the other more specific) include type of future govt, future foreign policy, future of the #ANDSF, territorial integrity, education, and human rights. 3/n
With the FY 2021 National Defense Authorization Act having been passed (& now sitting on President Trump's desk for signature or veto), thought I'd put together a THREAD on what it says about #Afghanistan. 1/n
SEC. 1212. EXTENSION OF THE AFGHAN SPECIAL IMMIGRANT VISA PROGRAM.
Extends the program through through 2022 (and appears to expand the number allowed by 120 slots). 2/n
SEC. 1213. EXTENSION & MODIFICATION OF SUPPORT FOR RECONCILIATION ACTIVITIES LED BY THE GOVERNMENT OF AFGHANISTAN.
Extends #DOD ability to provide funding to cover certain costs of participants in peace talks (which includes #Taliban) through 2021 & adds some restrictions. 3/n
With the FY 2021 National Defense Authorization Act having been passed (& now sitting on President Trump's desk for signature or veto), thought I'd put together a THREAD on what it says about #SOF. 1/n
SEC. 163. PROHIBITION ON USE OF FUNDS FOR THE ARMED OVERWATCH PROGRAM.
No armed overwatch aircraft for @USSOCOM in FY21 or @usairforce FY21-23. Seriously disappointing for @AFSpecOpsCmd, which has been pushing hard for this. 2/n
SEC. 165. AIRBORNE INTELLIGENCE, SURVEILLANCE, & RECONNAISSANCE ACQUISITION ROADMAP FOR THE UNITED STATES SPECIAL OPERATIONS COMMAND.
Requires @USSOCOM & ASD-SOLIC to submit an acquisition roadmap to meet the manned & unmanned airborne ISR req'ts of #SOF by Dec 1, 2021. 3/n
Op-Ed here by the leads of @USIP’s #Afghanistan Study Group: “An abrupt withdrawal of US troops, as is now being contemplated by the Trump administration, would undermine the fragile but potentially transformational peace process.” 1/n washingtonpost.com/opinions/afgha…
“It would embolden the #Taliban, destabilize the Kabul government and allow terrorist groups to reconsolidate. A civil war could result, provoking a wider regional conflict and an inevitable humanitarian and migration crisis.”
They make 4 recommendations. 2/n
1. “We should make clear to all parties involved what the desired end state will be. In particular, a post-peace #Afghanistan must be able to either sufficiently control its territory to prevent the harboring of terrorists or accept international assistance to do so.” 3/n
I’m seeing lots of stratospheric-level discussion on US drawdown to 2500 troops in #Afghanistan & what it might mean, but let’s get operational for a moment in this THREAD. 1/n
The US is conducting 2 missions in #Afghanistan: counterterrorism (CT) & train/advise/assist (TAA) of the #ANDSF. It does so from a half-dozen major bases around the country. The TAA mission it does w/@NATO ally forces. CT it does unilaterally & partnered w/Afghan #SOF. 2/n
For the past few years, TAA has been at the level of the MOD & MOI (in Kabul) & the Afghan Army Corps HQs & Afghan Air Force at regional bases. That posture—which was sustainable even at 4500 troops—is heavily enabled by contractors. 3/n