Thread by @HannaNotte

For those interested in context, amid fears that #Russia might stage false-flag chem. (or bio) attack in #Ukraine, I've followed the #Russia #Chemical weapons dossier

-in #Syria,
-re @navalny poisoning &
- @OPCW
for years.

Some background readings that might be useful (1/6)

After #US-#Russia cooperation in removing #Syria's declared CW in 2013-14, things unravelled, w/Russia obstructing efforts at attribution & accountability for CW use in Syria. Over time, rebels were blamed for staging "false-flag attacks". Long read: tandfonline.com/doi/abs/10.108… (2/6)

I commented here on how the Russian narrative on #CW in Syria - always shielding the Syrian government, blaming rebels for "false-flag" ops - must be understood in context of broader Russian war objectives in Syria: nonproliferation.org/chemical-weapo… (3/6)

(@tobiaschneider is among those who has chronicled the military role of CW in the context of Syria's broader war objectives: gppi.net/2019/02/17/the…) (4/6)

On how Russia has, over time, argued from within the increasingly fractured @OPCW, offering its own interpretation of the Chemical Weapons Convention rules, to push its case on #Syria #CW and #navalny poisoning, see here: foreignpolicy.com/2021/04/19/org… (5/6)

In December, I concluded that contestation over #CW has long become part of broader #Russia-#West standoff, with #Russia essentially no longer caring about growing polarisation @OPCW, and what implications are for the chem. weapons taboo, see here: carnegiemoscow.org/commentary/860… (6/6)