As is becoming routine for these interventions, Sweden invokes both its "right" to intervene under art 63 of the Statute and the nature of the obligations under the Genocide Convention (though first to cite Judge Canรงado Trindade's sep op in the Whaling case order). 2/
For its personal touch, Sweden invokes itself being a "a keen proponent of a rules-based world order", finding that "it is necessary for it to intervene in this case, in order to place its interpretation of the relevant provisions of the Convention". 3/
Like ๐ฉ๐ช, Sweden is sensitive to the (somewhat) mass nature of the interventions, expressing willingness "to assist the Court in grouping this intervention with similar interventions from other States". However, like with ๐ฉ๐ช, not clear what "grouping" involves. 4/
On the substance of its intervention, Sweden cites arts I-III, VIII, IX as provisions that it will give its construction (seems to be typo in citing art III as provision defining genocide, rather than art II). 5/
In interpreting the provisions themselves, Sweden starts with art IX. Like others, Sweden addresses the more preliminary question whether art 63 intervention can extend to issues of jurisdiction, emphasising that the Statute and Rules contain nothing to preclude this. 6/
It addresses whether jurisdiction extends to negative declarations and (abusive) actions in applying Convention, answering affirmatively but perhaps in more detail than other interveners to-date, referring to ICJ's jurisprudence and doing a complete art 31(1) #VCLT analysis.7/
Some of the points Sweden makes were also made by other interveners, such as unique wording of compromissory clause ("fulfilment": ๐ฑ๐ป๐ฑ๐น๐ฌ๐ง๐ฉ๐ช๐บ๐ธ), and that "any of the parties" reinforces that an applicant can seek declaration of non-violation (๐ฌ๐ง). 8/
Sweden makes an intriguing statement when analysing ordinary meaning of art IX, by way of example. Noting that disputes under art IX can arise when one state alleges another committed genocide, it states that if ICJ "is not satisfied that there were any acts of genocide... 9/
...actually committed by the respondent State, it may decline jurisdiction, even prima facie".
However, in addition to perhaps undermining Ukraine's case, fn suggests conflation of prima facie jurisdiction for provisional measures with jurisdiction for adjudicating merits. 10/
Another point which doesn't seem to have been made before, in attempt to reinforce argument that jurisdiction extends to making "non-action" findings, Sweden refers to ICJ's previous recognition that jurisdiction extends to claims of failing to prevent and punish genocide. 11/
Again going further than the other interveners, Sweden considers Russia's argument in its 7 March communication that its invasion is based on self-defence under art 51 UN Charter and its implications for whether there exists a dispute regarding the Genocide Convention. 12/
Even before answering this question, in a footnote, Sweden alludes to a potential contradiction with Russia's contention, in the form of a speech by Putin annexed to the same communication which speaks of preventing and punishing genocide in Ukraine. 13/
Sweden (correctly) notes that the denial of a dispute does not ipso facto demonstrate its absence.
Going further, in a footnote, Sweden raises the possibility that the conflict of views between the parties on the existence of a dispute could give rise to jurisdiction. 14/
There are issues with the (half-hearted?) argument. First, it is difficult to reconcile with case in previous footnote (๐ฒ๐ญv๐ฌ๐ง) that dispute must "in principle" exist before Court seised (though strictly speaking that goes to ICJ Statute, not interpretation of Convention). 15/
Second, a dispute over whether there is a dispute is still not a dispute on the interpretation, application or fulfilment of Convention; ie, it does not itself evidence a conflict of views over whether Ukraine committed genocide. 16/
Sweden then discusses issues relating to the merits, and divides between three matters (though third matter essentially reinforces its analysis on the first): the obligation to prevent and punish genocide, the definition of genocide and recourse to UN organs. 17/
On prevention and punishment, and specifically whether Russia's invasion is in accordance with Convention, like ๐ฑ๐ป๐ณ๐ฟ๐ฌ๐ง๐ฉ๐ช, Sweden begins by emphasising that obligation must be applied in good faith. 18/
Like ๐ฑ๐ป๐ฑ๐น๐ณ๐ฟ๐ฌ๐ง๐บ๐ธ (to varying degrees), Sweden does a rundown of the Convention provisions relating to prevention and punishment to frame in more concrete detail how obligation is to be fulfilled. 19/
Where it goes further than others (though referenced by ๐ฑ๐ป), Sweden expands on @UN_HRC June 2020 resolution on prevention of genocide and the best practices listed therein. 20/
All this leads to Sweden's conclusion that a state cannot rely on its obligation to prevent genocide if it has not done sufficiently assessed whether genocide is occurring, and its prevention must also be in conformity with aims of UN Charter. 21/
Like ๐ฑ๐ป๐ฑ๐น๐ฌ๐ง, Sweden also briefly considers the obligation to punish genocide, emphasising that punishment of genocide is to have recourse criminal law mechanisms, rather than other coercive methods. 22/
Like ๐ฌ๐ง๐บ๐ธ, Sweden then somewhat ventures into defining genocide, though primarily underlining ICJ's previous jurisprudence on the subject.
Before concluding Sweden returns to issue of prevention, underlining Convention's preference for collective measures pursuant to art VIII.23/
In conclusion, Sweden's declaration makes for an interesting read. It analyses perspectives which received less attention from other interveners. It makes some interesting arguments, though at times these are perhaps too creative. 24/
However the bottom line of the constructions it offers are quite uncontroversial: the existence of jurisdiction for non-violations, framing how the obligation of prevention and punishment is to be fulfilled and underlining the narrow definition of genocide. 25/25
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Probably most controversial finding in today's orders is the (thinly reasoned) finding that the interruption of movement along the Lachin Corridor plausibly constitutes violation of #Cerd.
J Yusuf's criticism of shoehorning disputes into Cerd compromissory clause worth a read. 2/
Given the ICJ's finding in 2021 that Azerbaijan's claims relating landmines did not plausibly fall under the Cerd, little surprise that it rejected Azerbaijan's claims this time round. However, a few nuggets in the individual opinions... 3/
Both ๐ซ๐ฎ๐ช๐ช invoke their right of intervention under art 63 and the nature of obligations enshrined in Genocide Convention. ๐ช๐ช also invokes J Canรงado Trindade's opinion in Whaling case underlying importance of intervention for treaties where collective interests are concerned. 2/
๐ซ๐ฎ๐ช๐ช also consider capacity to intervene on jurisdictional issues, noting art 63 does not distinguish between different phases. They refer both to Judge Schwebel's opinion in the Nicaragua case and to leading treatises on the subject to justify intervention on such issues. 3/
Ireland, like almost all the other other interveners, invokes both its right to intervene pursuant to art 63 of the ICJ Statute as well as the nature of the obligations found in the Genocide Convention to justify its intervention. 2/
Ireland (only) invokes two provisions of the Convention as those it seeks to give its construction on: art I (prevention and punishment of genocide) and art IX (compromissory clause). 3/
To begin all three states invoke their "right" to intervene under art 63 of the Statute, while Denmark and Italy also invoke the nature of obligations in the Genocide Convention. All three also try to add their respective personal touches. 2/
๐ต๐ฑ invokes its "history of supporting efforts to prevent and punish genocide", following "genocide perpetrated on Polish nationals during [WWII] by Nazi Germany and the Soviet Union (the predecessor of [Russia])", while noting Soviet perpetrators were never held to account. 3/
Starting off, France invokes its right to intervene under art 63 of the Statute, while also underlining the legal nature of the obligations under the Genocide Convention (no personal touch but does later quote the Court observing the prohibition on genocide is peremptory(!)). 2/
As for the provisions of the Genocide Convention it seeks to offer its construction, by reference to Ukraine's application France cites arts I, II, IV, VIII, IX. 3/
To begin, Romania's declaration is very much to-the-point. While it does underline the importance of the Genocide Convention, it doesn't expand so much beyond the Statute's requirements for justifying its intervention. 2/
As for the provisions it plans to offer its construction on, Romania cites arts IX (compromissory clause) and I (prevention and punishment), the latter in turn necessitating interpretation of arts II, III, VIII. 3/