❌ Third, related to villains is stoked fear:
✔️ perceived threat to way of life
✔️ fear of “the other”
✔️ imagined threats to own children coupled with willingness to actually put them at risk
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❌ Fourth is fanatic-level belief in particular kool-aid schemes like #schoolvouchers that requires rejection of generally established facts/evidence in favor of alternative version of reality
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❌ Fifth is strict rejection of outside evidence:
✔️ book bans
✔️ Self-cite echo chambers like Heritage, Cato, American Federation for Children
✔️ #privateschools in general as opposed to open public spaces
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❌ Sixth is making common cause with other extremist groups. In this case with
✔️ opposition to #ReproductiveFreedom
✔️ opposition to fair elections/#VotingRights
✔️ the #Trump cult itself
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❌ Finally, hostile borderline violent rejection of opposition. This is what folks like Corey DeAngelis made his name doing on Twitter. Blowing up inboxes, riling up followers, intimidation, etc
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When you look at it in terms of cult/extremist detachment behavior, the edu-Right makes much more sense. And becomes both as ridiculousness and as dangerous as other cults have been.
Right-wing think tankers slam academic voucher experts because our work predicts key policy failures.
As early as 2007, evaluators in Cleveland found 69.5% voucher users were in private school already—a spot-on estimate of rates reported in the following 10 states today 👇
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First up, Arizona, where 70%+ voucher users were in private school already
But here’s the general pattern, using this EdChoice table as an example (there are many more): 1/ 🧵
First is the absence of abysmal negative OH, and IN results by teams led by Figlio and Berends, respectively.
Those studies use panel data and methods and find terrible statewide at-scale voucher effects—hugely relevant to legislation today. 2/ chalkbeat.org/2018/8/9/21107…
But #schoolvouchers advocates drop them from tables like the 👆 because they’re not lottery-based studies. It’s true that lotteries are gold standard evaluation tool—but have well-known limitations re: scale and generalizability—key issues today.
It’s not just that they’re almost all for-profit. They are but #OhioEd has for-profit charters for example and much greater 🔎. #mileg#mipol#migov@Network4pubEd
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For-profit #charterschools run on small profit margins for students—as far as we can tell. So it gives charters like those in MI every incentive to cut corners. That’s one problem. #mipol#migov#mileg
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But here’s something I’m guessing MI charters really don’t want #mileg members or #miched journalists looking into: property holdings.
The real profit is in various property bought and maintained with tax support. @NPEaction
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There’s a #schoolvouchers link to the #January6thReport. It centers around attorney Cleta Mitchell who led Trump’s GA pressure efforts after the vote. #BigLie
Mitchell is also Board Secretary for the Lynde and Harry Bradley Foundation, a huge #schoolvouchers backer out of Wisconsin that’s given $millions to voucher research and advocacy.
First: a win’s a win. It’s good to see #schoolvouchers stopped anywhere. The push to privatize is so relentless, so well-funded by such a narrow swath of backers, it can feel like swinging in the dark against it.
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But more concretely: the KY Court found that #schoolvouchers tax credit shell game was a budget commitment even though it’s not a direct appropriation. Reducing revenue by $10 is the same as spending $10.
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