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Tom McTague
@TomMcTague
, 4 tweets, 1 min read Read on Twitter
Compromise is *political* in nature. Take Good Friday: Republicanism gave way on the *principle* of Northern Irish consent for reunification. After this, the deal fell into line. Unionism compromised on power sharing before decommissioning. Where are we today? 1/4
Today, the Irish government has a mechanism which achieves its goal: no legal economic border. Any concession from here is sub-optimal based on this goal. Johnson needs to find a reason for *political* concessions 2/4
The question to ponder for all involved in this dispute is whether a solution *not* rooted in political compromise is sustainable? Right now, though, politics is as good as barred from the room: it’s a technical discussion led by the Commission 3/4
We’ve been here before. Lesson of N Ireland’s short history: nothing is sustainable without *both* communities’ consent. If Johnson can’t win political concessions—from north, south or both—he may need a mechanism to win/show unionist *public* consent... theatlantic.com/international/…
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Tom McTague
@TomMcTague
“The people of Northern Ireland must be able to withdraw consent, with all that entails.” It’s hinging on consent— the great overlooked issue, not just by Brussels and Dublin, but London as well. Some officials in Dublin privately accept this
What happens when there’s not a *political* settlement in Northern Ireland acceptable to all? It stops working theatlantic.com/international/…
In 1976, a UK official wrote a note: “Power sharing cannot be imposed. The history of Northern Ireland has shown that any party representing a sizeable group within the community has the power to bring ordered government to an end.”
Read 3 tweets
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Tom McTague
@TomMcTague
In Boris's novel, 72 Virgins, the central character, the bumbling anti-hero Roger Barlow (a bicycling, angst-ridden Tory MP with only a “knuckle of principle") speculates about what motivates him. Does he have a Thanatos urge, he wonders? — A death urge.
theatlantic.com/international/…
This "death urge" is common among PMs, Lucille Iremonger wrote in her seminal book, The Fiery Chariot, exploring the lives of political leaders. Iremonger describes the hunger for power among the insecure as the Phaeton complex, from the Greek myth theatlantic.com/international/…
Phaeton, a child of the sun god, demands his father prove his love by letting him drive the sun chariot. When he does, Phaeton’s “utter inadequacy” becomes obvious. He plunges, scorching the Earth and creating the Sahara desert, before Jupiter intervenes by striking him down. Eek
Read 6 tweets
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Tom McTague
@TomMcTague
Interesting comments, not so much re the backstop and withdrawal agreement but the second bit about the backstop being a precondition for free trade negotiations in the event of no-deal. As I understand it, that’s not a formal EU position—yet
That right @CharlieCooper8 @BrunoBrussels @JamesCrisp6 @nick_gutteridge?
While there’s obviously a logic to the Irish position, it does set up a rather 🤯situation where the EU will not open the trade talks necessary to keep open the Irish border... because the UK will not make the legal commitment the EU says is needed to keep open the Irish border
Read 3 tweets

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Emma DeSouza
@EmmandJDeSouza
#Thread: We may not have got a decision today but we did get insight into the Government’s view and position on the birthright provisions of the Good Friday Agreement. Here's a few of the basic arguments being put forward #WeAreIrishToo
On behalf of the Secretary of State QC Tony McGleenan opened by stating the FTT tribunal made an "fundamental & egregious error" in ruling in our favour adding that the tribunal should never have entertained our appeal because "DeSouza is not nor was not an EEA national"
He then went on to argue that there is an "important" distinction between identity and citizenship in the Good Friday Agreement and that the act of identifying as Irish only does not mean you are not as a matter of UK law British. He added that I was a British citizen by birth.
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Sebastian Payne
@SebastianEPayne
Boris Johnson has written to Donald Tusk outlining his Brexit stance and the changes he wants to the withdrawal agreement. This is an important moment. Key points:

#1: The prime minister says leaving the EU with a deal is his "highest priority". Not heading straight to no deal.
#2: Johnson says his government is “unconditionally committed” to the Good Friday Agreement, deal or no deal. The UK is also committed to maintaining the Common Travel Area.
#3: Johnson says the backstop is “anti-democratic and inconsistent with the sovereignty of the UK”. The issues he cites are the lack of a unilateral exit mechanism and a “substantial” regulatory border between NI and GB.
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val
@hikikomoriii_
So a couple of months ago I told yall about a project thats threatening a forest on my ancestral homelands here in southern Maryland. I just want to give yall an update on whats going on and ask that you help me. PLEASE!
I first want to just begin by saying that I am a member of the Cedarville band of Piscataway. For those who do not know, the Piscataway are the indigenous peoples to the land currently known as Maryland and Washington, D.C. (Most of us reside in southern Maryland.)
Southern Maryland is still (for now) one of the counties in Md that haven’t been bulldozed to death by developers who want to build neighborhoods, shopping centers, multimillion dollar homes. (However, it’s developing fast).
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John Curtis
@JohnHoCLibrary
So main points to take from the Irish protocol are: The preamble has changed slightly, emphasises this protocol is temporary, it is not the future relationship, doesn't want to break up the UK single market. Preambles are not legally binding, but important for interpretation.
Did we say this protocol is TEMPORARY! Well we really mean it
In fact, we might even conclude a future agreement before the end of the transition (highly doubtful) so this protocol can be superseded by that:
Read 22 tweets
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Dom Walsh
@DomWalsh13
1) theguardian.com/politics/2018/… The EU’s apparent willingness to dismiss out of hand the idea of Northern Irish Assembly having a veto on the Northern Irish backstop deserves some criticism – not a great look democratically, and contradicts with the December agreement. Thread:
2) On Friday, @theresa_may said HMG would come up with an alternative backstop, which would fulfil “the commitment that no new regulatory barriers should be created between Northern Ireland and the rest of the UK, *unless the Northern Ireland executive and assembly agree.*”
3) This fits into wider signs that UK officials are willing to countenance a regulatory border in the Irish Sea (though not a customs border) – though only with Northern Irish consent. See this: politico.eu/article/theres…
Read 13 tweets

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