PM #Bashagha took his oath in Tobruk a month ago—& he still hasn’t swept into office or begun governing.
He himself told the media about the physical act of #entering Tripoli “w/in days”, but that hasn’t happened yet.
Bashagha & his ministers entering Tripoli soon is w/in the realm of the possible.
But the thing is, That won’t necessarily be enough to discard Dabaiba.
I.e., entering Tripoli won’t necessarily put an end to the current crisis.
A slew of profound issues are still outstanding.
A big chunk of opinion & sentiment in both Tripoli & Misrata remains skeptical about Bashagha.
Latter has been making a bit of progress but there’s still a gap.
Plus, the passage of time alone isn’t doing all that work for free, *no matter* how isolated & weak Dabaiba looks.
Turkish decisionmakers, incl. Hakan Fidan’s people, have been talking to Bashagha’s top emissaries & advisors. Such conversations are routine; they aren’t in short supply at all.
But fact remains: Turkey could afford to keep chattin’ & still maintain Dabaiba for a while longer.
Turkey isn’t the sole skeptic right now.
Some aspects of Bashagha’s current cabinet are seen as problematic by Western powers (apart from France, which is 110% behind it).
One issue, for example, is: the minister of Planning shouldn’t be the same person as the min of Finance.
If Bashagha enters Tripoli & sets up shop in some hotel, senior officials from foreign states like France & Russia might call him to congratulate him. But that doesn’t equate formal recognition by the UN.
And UN Advisor Williams’ constitutional basis initiative isn’t dead yet.
So far, Egyptian-backed HoR Speaker Aqila Saleh has brazenly boycotted UN’s effort twrds a constitutional basis & a tangible timeframe for #elections.
But the maximalist approach hasn’t worked yet. For Bashagha to become easier to accept, Aqila & Cairo might have to relent a bit
There’s also the Financial Committee issue.
US wants Kabir+Sanalla+3rd individual to oversee state expenditures going forward.
But Cairo fears that—if such a Financial Committee is set up successfully—Dabaiba might get emboldened since expenditures will resume for all provinces
There are many other stumbling blocks that could described here.
But the general idea is that there is a distinct possibility of having a long stalemate take hold in Tripoli.
If that turns out to be case, 3 facets will be interesting to watch as additional weeks elapse:
• will Bashagha manage to avert any “time decay” that might damage his image & standing while his Deputy PMs Zadma & Qatrani get used to operating w/out him?
• will the Haftars lose patience & make a fatal mistake by confusing 2022 w/ 2019?
• will Tripoli clashes flourish?
• • •
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Since the Feb. 24 launch of the invasion of Ukraine, apart from lots of unfounded speculation, there’s been not a shred of evidence to suggest any number of #Russian fighters have left Libya.
In fact, over the last several months, the number of Russians in #Brak has increased.
Historically, 1 of the top reasons #Russia has acquired a clandestine #military presence in #Libya is the fact that it’s key strategic territory on #NATO’s southern flank. The #Ukraine crisis of 2014 deepened the Kremlin’s perception of NATO as hostile to Russia’s core interests.
The possibility of a #parallel govt — capable of rallying several presidential candidates & other anti-Dabaiba forces — has been pre-announced by #Aqila for months.
Such an entity may indeed emerge now.
Beyond symbolism & posturing, will it affect the current reality?
Militarily, bcos Dabaiba has secured the mobilization of Mahjub, Halbus, & al-Jahawi, Bashagha won’t be in a position to contribute much in Misrata, Tajura, or Tripoli itself.
For the #parallel govt to create pain for Dabaiba, it’ll have to consider being in cahoots w/ the #SSA.
In the eventuality above, a new #parallel govt may pull off truly bothersome disruptions in the greater #Tripoli area, but Dabaiba will not be removed from power by force in the foreseeable future.
No can do.
The Turkish-backed setup now protecting the PM is just too formidable
1 must go back to May-Oct 2018, when both #UN & #US began exerting a pressure on the #CBL in #Tripoli.
At the time, an #LNA attack on the capital wasn't seen as imminent, nor was a #Hibri-#Kabir reunification considered a hot priority
Following #Haftar's Jun '18 #OilCresc blockade, #US (thru the #UN) helped #CBL devise a measure, which was implemented after the Aug-Sep '18 LoC battle in Tripoli.
An LoC #tax now made the de-facto conversion rate 3.9 dinars to 1 $.
$10k packages were introduced for households.
The #US-designed measure—rolled out by #Kabir in Oct ’18—was effectively a devaluation of the dinar w/ the added benefit of attracting banknotes back into the system.
The measure turned out to be a success.
It also reduced the amount of political controversy surrounding #Kabir
Long before #Ankara began sending #Syrian Turkmen fighters in Dec to help the #GNA, the number of gung-ho fighters willing to go risk their lives on behalf of the #LNA in W #Libya was insufficient.
That is an important reality even if pro-#LNA voices are loathe to acknowledge it
That’s why the #LNA has used #Sudanese mercs throughout 2019. On LNA side, Sudanese mercs have been basically part of the furniture, eliciting little comment.
Above issue is also the reason why the arrival of a few hundred #Russian fighters near #Tripoli in Sep had a big effect.