On June 30, 1941, the #Nazis marched into L’viv, with assistance from the Ukrainian nationalists (the OUN-B) — who, on their own initiative and without authorization from Germany, immediately declared that #Ukraine was now a country.
The Germans prevented OUN-B leader Stefan #Bandera from entering the Ukrainian territories during the invasion citing security concerns, so Stetsko (Bandera’s second in command) delivered the proclamation of statehood in his stead.
Stetsko announced that Bandera would lead the new state as Providnyk, and Stetsko would serve as the prime minister.
The capital would be Kyiv, and the new nation would work closely with “National Socialist Great Germany, which, under the leadership of Adolf #Hitler, is creating a new Europe and the world, and is helping the Ukrainian nation liberate itself from Muscovite occupation.”
The meeting ended with a fascist salute to Adolf #Hitler, Stepan Bandera, and Metropolitan Andrei Sheptyts’kyi, a prominent Ukrainian Catholic religious leader.
Shouts of “Slava Ukraini!” rang loudly through the hall. 🇺🇦
Shouts of “Slava Ukraini!” rang loudly through the hall. 🇺🇦
First, members of Nachtigall broadcasted information about the proclamation of Ukranian statehood from a captured radio station, glorifying the German military as liberators who had made independence possible.
This helped spread awareness of the proclamation throughout Western Ukraine, and widespread nationalist celebrations followed.
Immediately, pogroms took place throughout the territories now under German control.
The worst pogroms happened in L’viv, starting on 1 July 1941.
Immediately, pogroms took place throughout the territories now under German control.
The worst pogroms happened in L’viv, starting on 1 July 1941.
In the early hours of July 1, members of Nachtigall and Ukrainian militiamen gathered in anticipation of anti-Jewish violence.
The impetus for the pogroms was the discovery of the bodies of thousands of Ukranian nationalist prisoners executed by the Soviet NKVD.
The impetus for the pogroms was the discovery of the bodies of thousands of Ukranian nationalist prisoners executed by the Soviet NKVD.
Two other pogroms comparable to the L’viv pogroms occurred in Ternopil and Zolochiv.
In Ternopil, Sonderkommando 4b, dutifully recorded that 600 Jews were killed in a pogrom that they “inspired.”
In Zolochiv, Einsatzkommando 6 organized the pogrom.
In Ternopil, Sonderkommando 4b, dutifully recorded that 600 Jews were killed in a pogrom that they “inspired.”
In Zolochiv, Einsatzkommando 6 organized the pogrom.
The local Ukrainian population in both locations carried out the killings, but the German troops played a role in stirring up antisemitic sentiment, relying on longstanding prejudices and the myth of Judeo-Bolshevism.
Antisemitism had long been a cornerstone of OUN ideology.
Antisemitism had long been a cornerstone of OUN ideology.
Members of the OUN have since tried to distance themselves from the pogroms in West #Ukraine during the Summer of 1941.
However, these arguments are often unconvincing.
However, these arguments are often unconvincing.
For example, during the 1960 West German investigation into Theodor Oberländer (the German commanding officer of Nachtigall), Ivan Hryn’okh claimed that he never saw anti-Jewish violence during his time in L’viv.
When confronted with other eyewitness testimonies, he said that he could not deny the pogroms took place, only that he never saw or heard anything while in L'viv.
Many published denials of Ukrainian participation use uncertainty as a defense. 🤷🏼♂️
Many published denials of Ukrainian participation use uncertainty as a defense. 🤷🏼♂️
Further, historians like Jeffrey Burds have shown through cross-examination of Ukrainian militia ID cards and photographs of the pogroms that the militia members undoubtedly perpetrated acts of anti-Jewish violence.
This argument rests on the denial of Ukrainian participation during the L’viv pogroms and the German retaliation against the OUN-B roughly a week later, after news of the proclamation reached Berlin and angered top #Nazi politicians.
#Bandera and Stetsko’s “government” was allowed to operate for about a week, before #Hitler shut it down.
Alongside the mass persecution of L’viv’s Jews, they targeted rivals of the OUN-B and killed members of the OUN-M in the streets.
Alongside the mass persecution of L’viv’s Jews, they targeted rivals of the OUN-B and killed members of the OUN-M in the streets.
In his week as #Bandera’s prime minister of the illegally-declared state of #Ukraine, Stetsko sent several letters to the
other fascist leaders of Europe professing Ukraine’s loyalty to the fascist new world order.
other fascist leaders of Europe professing Ukraine’s loyalty to the fascist new world order.
Among the recipients of Stetsko’s letters were Benito #Mussolini, Adolf #Hitler, Francisco #Franco, and Ante Pavelić (the leader of the Croatian Ustaše movement).
Stetsko’s outreach to other European fascist movements shows that the OUN-B’s proclamation of statehood was an attempt to establish Ukrainian independence under German auspices and receive international recognition as part of the new #Fascist order in Europe.
Hitler wasn’t amused, or flattered. He took this declaration of Ukranian independence as a direct challenge to his authority.
He demanded that Stetsko rescind the proclamation.
Stetsko refused and, along with Bandera, was taken as a special political prisoner on July 5, 1941.
He demanded that Stetsko rescind the proclamation.
Stetsko refused and, along with Bandera, was taken as a special political prisoner on July 5, 1941.
However, the Germans did not throw them in prison.
Bandera and Stetsko were confined to house arrest, but they could still conduct their political activities freely during their “incarceration.”
Bandera and Stetsko were confined to house arrest, but they could still conduct their political activities freely during their “incarceration.”
Bandera remained active in Berlin while Stetsko traveled to Kraków to transfer control of the OUN-B to Mykola Lebed.
Further, the OUN-B headquarters in L’viv remained open for several weeks, suggesting the German crackdown on Bandera and Stetsko was not as serious as it looked.
Further, the OUN-B headquarters in L’viv remained open for several weeks, suggesting the German crackdown on Bandera and Stetsko was not as serious as it looked.
Supporters and defenders of the OUN-B argued that this action against their leaders represented a betrayal by the Germans and marked the shift from a pro-German to anti-German stance.
Despite their arrest, in August 1941, Bandera and Stetsko noted they cooperated with the Germans “not out of fear or opportunism” but because a close relationship with Nazi Germany was paramount to Ukrainian independence.
Stetsko’s Zhyttiepys, a short autobiography he wrote after his arrest, acknowledged his intention to continue working with the Germans.
He wrote:
He wrote:
On July 26, 1941, the newspaper Rohantyns’ke Slovo republished an article by Melnyk, the leader of the OUN-M, titled “#Ukraine and the New Order in Europe.”
The article again pledged the OUN’s eternal allegiance to #Nazi Germany:
The article again pledged the OUN’s eternal allegiance to #Nazi Germany:
(Quoting)
“We collaborate closely with Germany and invest everything in this collaboration: our heart, feelings, all of our creativeness, life and blood.”
“We collaborate closely with Germany and invest everything in this collaboration: our heart, feelings, all of our creativeness, life and blood.”
Although the Germans were happy to work with the Ukrainians during the invasion of the Soviet Union, once they occupied the territory, they were less tolerant of nationalist expressions — an independent state was out of the question, as far as Hitler was concerned.
The repression of Ukrainian nationalism under German rule did not result in a complete break in their relationship.
Both factions of the OUN hoped that the Germans would change their mind about the possibility of an independent Ukraine and continued to collaborate with them.
Both factions of the OUN hoped that the Germans would change their mind about the possibility of an independent Ukraine and continued to collaborate with them.
Although the OUN’s collaboration with the Nazis was a significant part of their experience during World War II, this part of their history is often overlooked in favor of the narrative of their “heroic resistance” to Nazi Germany.
As you can see in the documentation, it’s a lie.
As you can see in the documentation, it’s a lie.
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