A new special issue! 📚

@swenhutter & I are happy to announce the publication of "New Contentious Politics. Civil Society, Social Movements, and the Polarisation of German Politics". Check out the great contributions! #protest

➡️ tandfonline.com/doi/full/10.10… @GermanPolJnl (1/11)
Our SI studies "new contentious politics": A #double #transformation of contemporary protest arenas, marked by (1) new issues & claims from the left to the far-right as well as (2) hybrid organisational forms & a close interaction between protest and electoral politics. 🪧 (2/11)
In "Civil Society, Cleavage Structures, and Democracy in Germany", E. #Grande studies the importance of new political #cleavages for understanding protest. Crucially, he points to the ambivalent relationship between civil society & #democracy.

➡️ tandfonline.com/doi/full/10.10… (3/11)
In "Taking to the Streets in Germany – #Disenchanted and #Confident #Critics in Mass Demonstrations", P. Daphi, @sehaunss, @Moritz_J_Sommer & @oddprotest study protest surveys & show how participants’ differ in key #attitudes towards politics.

➡️ tandfonline.com/doi/full/10.10… (4/11)
In "Forging Plural #Coalitions in Times of Polarisation: Protest for an Open Society in Germany", K. Stjepandić, E. Steinhilper & S. Zajak analyze @Unteilbar_ & effective movement coalition-building based on an #intersectional consciousness. 🪧

➡️ tandfonline.com/doi/abs/10.108… (5/11)
In "Protests and Polarisation in the Context of Energy Transition and #Climate Policy in Germany: Mindsets and Collective Identities", @JuliaZilles & S. Marg study the normative dimension of (#environmental) cleavage politics. 🌱

➡️ tandfonline.com/doi/abs/10.108… (6/11)
In "'The Politicisation Game': Strategic Interactions in the Contention Over #TTIP in Germany", @NGheyle & J. Rone focus on a key international #trade conflict & go beyond movement-centrism by analyzing many #players in multiple #arenas. ♟️

➡️ tandfonline.com/doi/10.1080/09… (7/11)
In "Protest and Electoral Breakthrough: Challenger Party-Movement Interactions in Germany", @swenhutter, @eborbath & I analyze the rise of #DieLinke & #AfD. We show how street protest can contribute to the breakthrough of political #parties.

➡️ tandfonline.com/doi/full/10.10… (8/11)
In "How Political Parties Respond to Pariah Street Protest: The Case of Anti-Corona Mobilisation in Germany", @as_heinze & I study how #parties have responded to #Querdenken & propose a new typology on parties' responses to street protest. 🪧

➡️ tandfonline.com/doi/full/10.10… (9/11)
Finally, in "Interventions by the Populist Radical Right in German Civil Society and the Search for Counterstrategies", @WolfgangSchro17, @SamuelGreef, @J_Ten_Elsen & L. Heller address how the far right tries to enter unions, sports & churches.

➡️ tandfonline.com/doi/abs/10.108… (10/11)
Thanks to all the excellent contributors for their enthusiasm & to @GermanPolJnl & @TheDanHough for supporting the SI so much.

We hope that many of you will find the contributions #insightful & #inspiring! 🪧📚 (11/11)

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More from @ManesWeissk

Sep 26, 2021
⬇️ Thread zum Wahlerfolg der #KPÖ Graz.

Seit heute ist die KPÖ mit knapp 30 Prozent stärkste Partei in der steirischen Landeshauptstadt. 1983 erzielte sie nur 1,8 (!) Prozent Stimmenanteil. Was erklärt ihren langfristigen Aufstieg? #grazwahl (1/10)
In meiner Forschung betone ich zwei zentrale Faktoren: 1. Die Partei konzentrierte sich langfristig auf das Bearbeiten & Besetzen kommunalpolitisch relevanter Themen (v.a. Wohnen). 2. Sie profitierte auch von institutionellen Gegebenheiten des lokalen politischen Systems. (2/10)
Letztere sind u.a. die Abwesenheit einer Sperrklausel und das Prinzip der Proporzregierung. Zum Thema Sperrklausel: selbst im Jahr 1983, mit 1,8 Prozent am Tiefpunkt, fiel die Partei nicht aus dem Gemeinderat! (3/10)
Read 10 tweets
Feb 22, 2020
A thread on #Thuringia's historic compromise: Yesterday, CDU agreed to a “stability mechanism” = de-facto support of a Red-Red-Green minority government & the election of Die Linke’s Bodo #Ramelow as regional governor. What's the deal about and is #AfD now sidelined? (1/7)
Red-Red-Green only has 42 out of 90 votes. So CDU needs to provide at least the remaining four on March 4 (in a secret ballot). The four parties will cooperate until the end of 2020 (including the budget vote). CDU won't rely on right-wing majorities with AfD and FDP. (2/7)
What does CDU get for that? Importantly, the party avoided snap elections in 2020, which would have meant electoral disaster - after voting with AfD for an FDP regional governor earlier this month. Instead, new elections will only be held in April 2021 (!). Time to recover. (3/7)
Read 7 tweets
Feb 18, 2020
A short thread on the far right in Germany: Yesterday, #PEGIDA staged its 200th event in Dresden – with AfD politician Björn #Höcke as special guest. How many people were there? What about counterprotests? And what does the event tell us about the state of PEGIDA and AfD? (1/7)
According to media estimates, ca. 4,000 PEGIDA followers and slightly less (but vocal!) counterprotestors were present (ca. 2,500 to 3,000). This makes Dresden again unique: unlike elsewhere in Germany, far-right sympathizers outnumbered their opponents. (2/7)
The presence of Höcke underlines the strong standing of him & his far-right “Der Flügel” within AfD. Despite internal criticism of his presence (the Hamburg branch with elections on Sunday was very much against it), there was only limited public criticism by AfD colleagues. (3/7)
Read 7 tweets
Oct 21, 2018
THREAD: Today the far-right PEGIDA group celebrated its fourth anniversary in the city centre of Dresden. According to latest @szonline estimates, about 7,000 PEGIDA sympathizers gathered, while almost double as many - about 13,000 - participated in counterprotests.
Interestingly, CDU regional governor Michael Kretschmer @MPKretschmer participated in the counterprotests (so did other key politicians, including Dresden's liberal mayor). Kretschmer's presense represents a significant symbolic shift from previous CDU responses to local...
...far-right activism. Most notably, longtime regional governor Kurt Biedenkopf (1990-2002) famously said that the Saxons were 'immune to right-wing extremism'. Currently, there is a debate within the Saxon CDU whether to consider the AfD as potential coalition partner.
Read 9 tweets

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