Thread by @ErikLoomis

This Day in Labor History: September 21, 1908. The IWW holds its 4th annual convention, in which it finally figures out what it takes to be successful, gets its act together. Let's talk about how this happened and what we can learn today from a seemingly minor episode.

Founded in 1905, by 1908 the IWW hadn’t really done much of anything and its future was murky. This is not to blame the IWW.

This is the fate of most new activist organizations. It’s fairly easy to start an organization. But giving it shape and guidance, dealing with difficult personalities, and deciding not only what course of action to take but what ideology will guide that action is always difficult

That’s true for the early 20th century left, where a panopoly of factions could fight for control of a given movement. Given that it brought in everyone from the Western Federation of Miners to Eugene Debs to Lucy Parsons, it did not originate with any clear ideological formation

This does not mean the IWW was moribund in 1908. It did have a few adherents and they were organizing workers. In 1907 for instance, the IWW arrived in Portland, Oregon and started an organizing campaign among the city’s timber workers, largely over issues of better pay.

That strike was put down fairly quickly by a combination of employers and the American Federation of Labor, already identifying the IWW as a threat even as it had no real interest in organizing on an industrial basis

IWW miners had also organized the mines of Goldfield, Nevada until the mine owners conspired with Nevada politicians and Theodore Roosevelt to crush them.

But the leadership of the IWW was in flux. The controversial socialist Daniel DeLeon wanted to control the IWW. DeLeon wanted to be the American Lenin. This was not a good thing.

In 1892, DeLeon became the editor of the Socialist Labor Party’s newspaper The People. This put him in a position to become the leader of the SLP. Once this happened, he hoped to springboard to be the head of a labor organization.

He first tried to take over the dying Knights of Labor, then the American Federation of Labor. He had little support for either. DeLeon then decided to create a parallel labor organization in 1895. When the IWW formed, DeLeon saw an opportunity to control the labor movement.

DeLeon wanted to turn it into an adjunct of the SLP. But he received resistance almost from the first from the rank and file, especially the western workers who made up the core of IWW support, concentrated in the Western Federation of Miners.

Those workers believed the state was their enemy and that political action was worthless. DeLeon wanted to create a leftist alternative to the Socialist Party and focus on political action.

DeLeon kept introducing political questions into the IWW’s annual conventions, greatly irritating other Wobblies. All of this led to a lot of dissension in the conventions and little being accomplished.

In late 1907, the feud erupted openly, as DeLeon attempted to sabotage a call from James Connolly, the future Irish martyr who was working as an IWW organizer in New York, to launch a large recruiting drive in New York City.

DeLeon took over the meeting by shouting about how Connolly was a traitor to the SLP. So by the time of the 1908 convention, most Wobblies were ready to be rid of DeLeon.

Another group attended this convention for the first time. Out of Portland, a group of radicals decided to hop trains and head to Chicago. This became known as the Overalls Brigade. Led by an organizer named John Walsh, these 19 workers headed east, organizing along the way.

They held 31 meetings, sold more than $175 worth of IWW literature and $200 in IWW song sheets. They had complete contempt for DeLeon and for his own elitism about revolutionary theory that was supposedly above the head of the average worker.

These were men who believed in industrial organizing, direct action, and taking on capitalism in a total war. They brought that spirit of direct action to the convention floor, singing their songs, and providing a bulwark of rank and file opposition to DeLeon.

The Overalls Brigade opened the convention by singing “The Marseillaise” and convention leaders openly asking them to lead the fight against DeLeon.

Others joined the anti-DeLeon fray. IWW intellectuals like Ben Williams wanted this dealt with now because they believed the IWW's future depended upon deciding its ideological stances, especially around the role of direct action, industrial organization, and politics.

DeLeon was ousted in a procedural vote because he did not represent a local which he claimed to represent. The delegates then debated the role of politics in the IWW. This was more closely divided than the decision to oust the difficult DeLeon.

Some wanted to keep the political clause in the IWW constitution to give it a patina of respectability that would discharge claims it was an organization of anarchist bombthrowers. But in a 35-32 vote, the delegates did eliminate the reference to political action.

Although what the IWW believed in was not really articulated at this point (and in fact, the IWW would always be awfully cagey about their actual ideological details), the emphasis on direct action was in the ascendant.

Like the AFL, their diehard enemy, the IWW would refuse to play in politics, believing the state to be a class war enemy of workers’ rights. This demonstrates the sheer hopelessness that workers had for state action during the Gilded Age.

The only thing that both union federations could agree on was that the state was worthless for guaranteeing anything for workers.

The IWW was still not a stable organization after the 1908 convention, but it had eliminated the internal divide that would prevent it from moving forward with organizing workers and fighting class warfare.

The Overalls Brigade would return to the Northwest and bring their radical direct action to the workers of the Northwest, first with the Spokane Free Speech Fight.

Then these western workers led with a decade of worker empowerment, strikes, and challenging the timber industry, police, and political leadership of the Pacific Northwest until they were crushed in a maelstrom of violence during and after World War I.

DeLeon went on to bitterly attack the IWW, especially for the “slum proletariat” that had taken over the convention and removed him. He died in 1914, failing in his effort to become Lenin.

So what is the lesson? Organizing workers is far more important than sitting around talking about theory of revolution. If you have a divisive person like DeLeon getting in the way of action and organizing to disrupt things for his (inevitably his) own ends, just kick him out.

Almost nothing in my view has ever been accomplished by sitting around and yammering on about theoretical constructs. Much has been accomplished by organizing workers and letting them lead. The IWW would discover this, realizing the rank and file didn't care about ideology.

Later, IWW organizers would admit that all their success revolved around workers seeing it as an organization that would help them fight for their rights and that they could give or take the theory.

I discuss all of this in much more detail in Chapter 5 of my forthcoming book, A History of America in Ten Strikes, from from @thenewpress. Preorder if you want!

amazon.com/History-Americ…

But if you really want the skinny on the IWW, I still maintain Dubofsky's 1969 book We Shall Be All remains the one must read, a mercifully unromantic view at this often romanticized and misunderstood organization.

amazon.com/dp/0252069056/…

Back tomorrow to talk about the Emancipation Proclamation.