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Dear @1Lukex1, The claim that the Oromo language was banned from the public realm is not an opinion. It is an inviolate historical fact. Since you allege it is a lie concocted by Oromo nationalists, let us examine non-Oromo sources to clarify the historical record. 1/16
Dear @1Lukex1, The claim that the Oromo language was banned from the public realm is not an opinion. It is an inviolate historical fact. Since you allege it is a lie concocted by Oromo nationalists, let us examine non-Oromo sources to clarify the historical record. 1/16
In his article titled “Ethiopia’s Unacknowledged Problem: The Oromo”, Paul Baxter (1978) writes that “[Oromo language] was denied any official status and it was not permissible to publish, preach, teach or broadcast in Oromo.” (p. 288). 2/16
In a statement that directly contradicts your supposed evidence that you claim refutes the claims of Oromo intellectuals/nationalists, Baxter states (at page 288) 3/16: 
Likewise, Edmond Keller (1988) notes that “the destruction of Oromo culture, as that of other non-Amhara groups, was systematic. Oromo culture was degraded. It was illegal to write, preach or broadcast in any Oromo dialect” (P. 160) 4/16.
Christopher Clapham (1990), the giant of Ethiopian studies, extensively examines the discursive force of Amharic & Orthodox Christianity to define & determine the material/political conditions intelligibility (or existence) for non-Amharic speakers (p.21). He writes: 5/16
On return from exile, Haile Selassie, set out to rebuild the bureaucracy (modernizing army, police, & security) & used the state apparatus such as the school system, as the principal means to realize his program of building a modern Ethiopian state. Tamerat (2010) states: 6/16
As Ivan Lukáš (2007) writes: “The aim of the ruling elites was to spread, with the help of Amharic ... & the Orthodox Church, their own culture and civilization in order to be able to suppress other nationalities.” The school system played a pivotal role. 7/16
In his monograph titled “Haile Sellasie’s Students”, Randi Rønning Balsvik (1985) writes the following about the impact of the policy on non-Amharic speakers, especially from 1958 onwards when Amharic became the medium of instruction for primary school education (p.10): 8/16
Baxter (1978) describes the conundrum faced by non-Amhara families and children of school age as follows: “It is as if every English child had to use Russian in primary school and switch to Turkish for his secondary schooling.” 9/16
On the material consequences of these policies, L. Smith (2008) says this: “In modern Ethiopia, the historical distribution of the political goods of communication, recognition, & autonomy has been highly skewed, benefiting native Amharic-speakers disproportionately.” 10/16
Smith further states: “because Ethiopian-ness at the national level has become synonymous with Amharic-speaking ability, any local level reinterpretation of Ethiopian citizenship represents a radical political stance & a threat to the privilege of these dominant groups.” 11/16
When the Imperial government was overthrown and replaced by the Marxist-Leninist regime in 1974, the language policy the previous regime continued unabated, with renewed vigor. 12/16
While there are so many historical claims made on all sides for which there is no strong historical evidence, I don't believe these issues are the subject of controversy. I've experienced them personally. If you can't relate to this experience, least you can do is listen. 13/16
Finally, it is important to note that Amharic has been the language of the ruling class & the Amhara people did not materially benefit from the systems. The Amhara peasantry was subjected to class oppression and economic deprivation on par with the rest of the country. 14/16
A complete denial of people’s lived experiences is not a constructive way forward for us. Nor is an attempt to impose a particular vision of the future. It is necessary to transcend these historically defined boundaries and create space for collective politics ... 15/16
Collective politics understood as, a la Ahmed, as “a politics based not on the possibility that we might be reconciled, but on learning to live with the impossibility of reconciliation, or learning that we live with and beside each other, and yet we are not one.” 16/16
