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Gonna summarize key points Thomas Assheuer makes in his reading of the recently published 1967 lecture “Aspekte des neuen Rechtsradikalismus” by Theodor Adorno. Assheuer’s piece is from Die Zeit of July 25. 1/
Right-wing radicalism emerges not only as a result of inequality and gaps in justice; there’s more to radicalism than that, and so social policy responses cannot fully eradicate it. 2/
When Adorno gave his 1967 talk, the NDP was getting to be disconcertingly successful and got elected to 7 provincial parliaments. 3/
At the time—in contrast to now—elite cosmopolitanism or identity politics could not be blamed. They didn’t exist. 4/
Adorno’s analysis: the social conditions for fascism continue to exist and they lie in the tendency of capital to be increasingly concentrated. Capitalist crisis dynamics create fear of losing status and work (incl to technology). 5/
In addition to capitalist crisis dynamics Adorno saw the following as contributing to fear of status loss: threat of communism from the Eastern bloc; the power of the EWG’s agricultural politics; contrast between city and country; loss of German power with the divided state. 6/
Adorno: the weakness of the national state contributes to rightwing extremism. The more nationalism appears weakened (eg through Cold War alliances), the more it is elevated as something transcendental & fanatic by propagandistic right wingers. 7/
It’s a paradox of right-wing radicalism that it promises it’s adherents more freedom while also demanding submission to powerful leaders, claiming that it is only through their power that control over one’s life can be won back. 8/
For Adorno right-wing extremism begins in the imagination—via affective anticipation & projected fears—so that even for someone who is fully & securely employed there can be a social crisis and the image of oneself as unemployed. Thus right-wing extremism crosses class. 9/
Given the role of imagination, right-wing extremism emerges not only in situations of socio-economic crisis. Rather, it can emerge whenever there are fears related to general social changes and developments. 10/
Right-wing extremism builds on these fears and feeds them with fantasies of decline and conspiracy. And with the wish to be saved by destructive disaster. 11/
Not all the problems and crises on which right-wing extremism builds are imagined, says Adorno. The anarchy of economic processes is real. The economy needs to be democratized. 12/
Adorno sees fascist movements as wounds of a democracy that hasn’t yet grown true to itself.
He also thinks you can’t talk to fascists and change their minds. But you can address those who have doubts and ask them if they are truly willing to give up their freedom. 13/
He also thinks you can’t talk to fascists and change their minds. But you can address those who have doubts and ask them if they are truly willing to give up their freedom. 13/
The continued existence of fascism *inside* a democracy is more dangerous than the existence of fascist tendencies *against* a democracy. 14/
