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I’m gonna show you why feminist opposition to labor rights in the sex industry is misguided in just over ten tweets. Here we go.
There are two ways to look at sex work— from a labor perspective or a moral/structural perspective. This is why pro and anti-criminalization conversations go nowhere; these are *seemingly* two different standpoints.
I appreciate moral/structural arguments, I really do. EG, I agree that sex work is an extension of heteropatriarchy and I cringe when sex workers claim to be liberated through their labor.

(We might not share that perspective and that’s fine.)
I’ll elaborate, bc it’s relevant. For me personally, the desires of men rarely coincide with my own; I think it is a form of false consciousness to claim to find self liberation in the desires of your oppressor. This is obviously a structural analysis.
When I entered the sex industry, I was a hot, young thing who most certainly conflated proximity to masculine, economic power with self liberation. But here’s the really important part—I didn’t start to truly understand my false consciousness until I had access to more resources.
Having conflated proximity to power with self liberation isn’t an indictment of my intellect. That conflation is by design— like it or not, money opens up doors. And when that money is connected to the desires of men, it can feel like masculine desire is itself opening up doors.
It’s an easy mistake to make. But more importantly, it shows that the *real* moral/structural critique isn’t even about sex work. The real moral/structural critique is about the relationship between masculine desire and economic power. Sex workers are just the scapegoats.
So how do structural critiques coincide with labor analyses, you might ask. Good question! Well, suffice it to say that reflecting on all of this is a privilege, and one that I can indulge bc I have a reliable roof over my head, a consistent income, and access to community.
That is to say, when you *take away* basic living/ survival necessities, you make self liberation and true consciousness *harder.*

It’s fine to critique the relationship between masculine desire and economic power.
But taking away the means by which marginalized people access that power is not the same thing as dismantling the relationship between masculinity and power.
Anglophone, anti-sex work feminists claim that no sex industry = more resources. Their refusal to integrate labor analyses into their theories is detrimental. There is literally no place on earth where less labor = more resources.
If the goal is liberation— something both pro and anti-crim perspectives share— then the goal is also more resources. If the goal is more resources, then the goal is also more labor rights.
Using moral/structural analyses to deny marginalized people labor rights— in the name of liberation, nonetheless— is disingenuous and, dare I say, Orwellian.
Labor analyses and broader structural critiques of the sex industry are compatible because they point their moral compass in the direction of anti-criminalization.

Anyone who claims otherwise is selling something. And it ain’t a happy ending.
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