Would you nevertheless require its proponents to identify tax increases to “pay for” the program, knowing that such taxes would be deflationary?
See, it’s not at all clear that deficit spending to implement M4A w/o tax increases would necessarily cause inflation.
Anyone who tells you otherwise is just guessing.
But assuming that spending must be matched dollar-for-dollar with tax increases up front to prevent inflation is economically and politically illiterate.
It’s also likely that M4A will be deflationary overall, and free up resources.
Shouldn’t any tax increases required to “pay for” it over time reflect such considerations?
Shouldn’t this also be factored in?
And so far most proponents haven’t either. Even though we currently spend $60T, we scramble to find a $30T “pay for” in taxes.
This must change.
Okay, what if you also knew that the cost of phasing in M4A would be no more than the cost of a well-designed public option, i.e., one broadly attractive, even to those dissatisfied with or losing their employer-based insurance?
Wouldn’t that be useful information?
Keep in mind the HC industry will fight a PO with the same intensity they would M4A.
They did last time.
On a practical note, wouldn’t it also be nice to have a set of examples showing how the savings from eliminating insurance premiums compared to estimated tax increases for middle income individuals and families? For both a phased-in M4A and an effective PO?