Björn Höcke is the most radical leader of the far-right AfD. Despite Germany's strict libel laws, a court recently ruled that he can rightfully be called a fascist.
And yet, he has led the AfD to become the second biggest party in today's state elections in Thuringia.
[Thread.]
And yet, he has led the AfD to become the second biggest party in today's state elections in Thuringia.
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In today's elections, the AfD nearly doubled its last result, gaining 23% and overtaking Angela Merkel's CDU.
The strongest party is the Left, the successor party of the communist SED.
The Social Democrats are in the single digits at about 8%.
The strongest party is the Left, the successor party of the communist SED.
The Social Democrats are in the single digits at about 8%.
This makes it virtually impossible to form a coherent coalition.
Until now, the country was ruled by an unusual red-red-green coalition between Left, Social Democrats, and Greens.
This broad coalition no longer has a majority. It's totally unclear what'll happen next but...
Until now, the country was ruled by an unusual red-red-green coalition between Left, Social Democrats, and Greens.
This broad coalition no longer has a majority. It's totally unclear what'll happen next but...
...there are ~two possibilities:
1) One of the center-right parties, FDP or CDU, agrees to support a Prime Minister from the Left Party. Unthinkable until recently.
2) Both of the center-right parties support a government with the most extreme AfD leader. Still unthinkable.
1) One of the center-right parties, FDP or CDU, agrees to support a Prime Minister from the Left Party. Unthinkable until recently.
2) Both of the center-right parties support a government with the most extreme AfD leader. Still unthinkable.
This illustrates a great danger that populist parties pose in systems of proportional representation:
They force all their opponents to form ideologically incoherent coalitions.
And then their old claim that these parties are all the same slowly start to seem true.
They force all their opponents to form ideologically incoherent coalitions.
And then their old claim that these parties are all the same slowly start to seem true.
Back to Höcke and the AfD:
Since the founding of the party, it has always been embroiled in ferocious battles between relative "moderates" and extremists.
At each turn, the more extreme wing has won.
(Petry putched Lucke, Gauland putched Petry, etc.)
Since the founding of the party, it has always been embroiled in ferocious battles between relative "moderates" and extremists.
At each turn, the more extreme wing has won.
(Petry putched Lucke, Gauland putched Petry, etc.)
It's tempting to see this as kinda good news:
An AfD that's close to far-right extremists seems less viable than one that stirs resentment without flirting with fascism.
But the strong showing tonight shows that even a very extreme AfD can remain a big part of the party system.
An AfD that's close to far-right extremists seems less viable than one that stirs resentment without flirting with fascism.
But the strong showing tonight shows that even a very extreme AfD can remain a big part of the party system.
Höcke has advocated for a 180 degree turn in Germany's understanding of WWII. He has called on Germans to leave behind the mentality of a "brutally defeated people."
And yet, Gauland, the AfD's leader, today claimed that Höcke represents the "center of the party."
Scary.
And yet, Gauland, the AfD's leader, today claimed that Höcke represents the "center of the party."
Scary.
So this is the new normal in East Germany:
1) Very weak establishment parties.
2) Very strong fragmentation.
3) An increasingly extreme far-right party that in many ways sets the tone of the country's politics.
[The End.]
1) Very weak establishment parties.
2) Very strong fragmentation.
3) An increasingly extreme far-right party that in many ways sets the tone of the country's politics.
[The End.]
The elections in Thuringia once again show that, across Europe, young people are not necessary less open to far-right populism than older people.
Among Under 30s, the Far-right AfD was the strongest party at 24%.
Among over 60s, it was the third biggest party at 16%.
Among Under 30s, the Far-right AfD was the strongest party at 24%.
Among over 60s, it was the third biggest party at 16%.
