The House Intelligence Committee has released its full report on the investigation into Trump's extortion of Ukraine: intelligence.house.gov/report/
The underlying fact: "Trump, personally and acting through agents within and outside of the U.S. government, solicited the interference of a foreign government, Ukraine, to benefit his reelection" by "condition[ing] official acts" on announcing investigations of his opponents. 
The July 25 call at the center of the investigation wasn't "perfect"—it was the centerpiece of a months-long bribery and extortion scheme: themoscowproject.org/dispatch/debun…
Trump cheated to win the 2016 election, taking advantage of and even colluding with Russia's attack on American democracy.
That's exactly what he's trying to do with Ukraine in 2020. intelligence.house.gov/report/
That's exactly what he's trying to do with Ukraine in 2020. intelligence.house.gov/report/
Trump's briefers actually wanted him to discuss anti-corruption efforts with Zelensky.
Instead, he demanded corruption, asking for investigations into conspiracy theories about the Bidens and CrowdStrike and denigrating Ambassador Yovanovitch. intelligence.house.gov/report/
Instead, he demanded corruption, asking for investigations into conspiracy theories about the Bidens and CrowdStrike and denigrating Ambassador Yovanovitch. intelligence.house.gov/report/
Officials listening to the call, most notably Lt. Col. Vindman, immediately raised their concerns.
The White House's response was to bury the records on a secret server. intelligence.house.gov/report/
The White House's response was to bury the records on a secret server. intelligence.house.gov/report/
The smear campaign against Ambassador Yovanovitch, which led to her early recall in April, laid the groundwork for the next phase: Extorting Ukraine's new (and politically vulnerable) president for assistance in the 2020 election. intelligence.house.gov/report/
The "Three Amigos," first brought together for Zelensky's inauguration, became the messengers in Trump's scheme, working with Giuliani to replace official policy in Ukraine with what Fiona Hill described as a "domestic political errand" for the president. intelligence.house.gov/report/
Trump gave the order to withhold aid shortly before his call with Zelenksy.
When government officials asked why, explained the order was likely illegal, and even resigned in protest, the White House gave no explanation. intelligence.house.gov/report/
When government officials asked why, explained the order was likely illegal, and even resigned in protest, the White House gave no explanation. intelligence.house.gov/report/
The first phase of the quid pro quo couldn't have been clearer: Zelensky would get a White House meeting when he interfered in the election by publicly announcing investigations into Trump's political opponents.
Giuliani and the "Three Amigos" kept the pressure on Ukrainian officials—even when they expressed concerns about being wrapped up in domestic politics.
In other words: There's no way they didn't understand their errand was a political hit job. intelligence.house.gov/report/
In other words: There's no way they didn't understand their errand was a political hit job. intelligence.house.gov/report/
Ukrainian officials knew full well that the Trump administration was withholding aid, making the extortion scheme as clear as "two plus two equals four:" no aid until Zelensky announced the investigations. intelligence.house.gov/report/
The report notes that Sondland's account of his September 9 call with Trump is a "false exculpatory—an untruthful statement that can later be used to conceal incriminating information."
Here's a rundown of the evidence suggesting it never happened: justsecurity.org/67536/heres-th…
Here's a rundown of the evidence suggesting it never happened: justsecurity.org/67536/heres-th…
Zelensky was all set to deliver when congressional pressure and the whistleblower report forced Trump to relent and release the aid—but the other piece of the quid pro quo, the White House meeting, still hasn't happened.
intelligence.house.gov/report/
intelligence.house.gov/report/
If the testimony and public evidence wasn't enough, Trump's chief of staff Mick Mulvaney laid it out very clearly for reporters in the White House briefing room—as did Trump himself on the White House lawn. intelligence.house.gov/report/
The White House has done everything they can—and some things they're legally not allowed to do—to stonewall the investigation.
They've gone even further than Nixon, who, had he not resigned, would have been impeached for his obstruction.
intelligence.house.gov/report/
They've gone even further than Nixon, who, had he not resigned, would have been impeached for his obstruction.
intelligence.house.gov/report/
At Trump's direction, 12 witnesses have refused to appear before Congress.
Ten of them did so in direct defiance of congressional subpoenas.
That sure sounds like obstruction of justice.
intelligence.house.gov/report/
Ten of them did so in direct defiance of congressional subpoenas.
That sure sounds like obstruction of justice.
intelligence.house.gov/report/
Trump has also publicly attacked at least four witnesses in an effort to undermine their testimony.
That sure sounds like witness intimidation. intelligence.house.gov/report/
That sure sounds like witness intimidation. intelligence.house.gov/report/
Gordon Sondland testified that "everyone was in the loop."
Giuliani's call log, including conversations with Parnas, the White House, and the Office of Management and Budget, which was responsible for freezing aid, suggest we're just scratching the surface of who "everyone" is:
Giuliani's call log, including conversations with Parnas, the White House, and the Office of Management and Budget, which was responsible for freezing aid, suggest we're just scratching the surface of who "everyone" is:
In the 48 hours before John Solomon published an article smearing Yovanovitch, he spoke with Lev Parnas six times, then again the day it went up.
Then, Trump tweeted it out.
Reminder: Parnas was a member of Trump's legal team throughout this process. themoscowproject.org/dispatch/who-w…
Then, Trump tweeted it out.
Reminder: Parnas was a member of Trump's legal team throughout this process. themoscowproject.org/dispatch/who-w…
In April, as the smear campaign against Yovanovitch gained steam, there were calls involving Parnas, Giuliani, Solomon, DiGenova, Toensing—and Devin Nunes.
That seems like something he should have disclosed while he was attacking the investigation into the scheme.
That seems like something he should have disclosed while he was attacking the investigation into the scheme.
Trump and Giuliani were extremely clear that the investigation into Burisma was actually a hit job on Joe Biden.
It defies credulity that Sondland and Volker didn't know that the two were connected.
It defies credulity that Sondland and Volker didn't know that the two were connected.
In the days after the New York Times first reported on Giuliani's push, he had "a flurry of calls" with Lev Parnas, Kurt Volker, a former top aide to Devin Nunes who now serves on the National Security Council—and an unidentified number listed only as "-1."
Key context: In mid-June, as Trump's extortion push was unfolding, he told George Stephanopoulos he'd gladly accept foreign interference in 2020, and refused to commit to contacting law enforcement if a foreign government offered dirt on an opponent. abcnews.go.com/Politics/id-ex…
Trump's defenders say he withheld funding because he was concerned about corruption.
Then why didn't the White House tell anybody that's what he was doing?
Why didn't they give *any* explanation, even to the officials who told them what they were doing might be illegal?
Then why didn't the White House tell anybody that's what he was doing?
Why didn't they give *any* explanation, even to the officials who told them what they were doing might be illegal?
In fact, the White House and the OMB (under White House Chief of Staff Mick Mulvaney) had to go out of their way to devise workarounds to place the aid on hold without answering any questions about it:
They even rerouted the chain of command to put a Trump appointee in charge of the hold, rather than a career official who might ask questions and reveal the president's real motive.
At least three witnesses—Fiona Hill, Alex Vindman, and Kurt Volker—testified that Gordon Sondland explicitly told a Ukrainian delegation that they needed to announce investigations in order to get a White House meeting.
Giuliani's full call and text logs from August 8, the day Volker talked to one of Zelensky's aides about Zelensky's side of the quid pro quo.
The big question: Who is "-1?"
The big question: Who is "-1?"
In his testimony, Sondland directly implicated Vice President Mike Pence as knowing about the quid pro quo—and Pence's carefully-worded statement doesn't actually deny what Sondland said.
On September 5, The Washington Post reported that Trump was "strong-arming" Zelensky.
On September 9, Congress began investigating.
That day, the House learned of the whistleblower complaint.
That's why, on September 11, Trump released the aid to Ukraine.
washingtonpost.com/opinions/globa…
On September 9, Congress began investigating.
That day, the House learned of the whistleblower complaint.
That's why, on September 11, Trump released the aid to Ukraine.
washingtonpost.com/opinions/globa…
The White House isn't just blocking witness testimony—they're also refusing to provide *any* of the documents the House has requested.
Volker's conversation with Yermak wasn't the only thing happening on August 8—it was also the day Sue Gordon resigned, leaving Joseph Maguire in charge of the intelligence committee (h/t @reevesjw) nbcnews.com/politics/natio…
