An overview (w/some preliminary observations) of the new #ICJ case by #Armenia against #Azerbaijan based on alleged violations of the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination (#CERD). This is the fourth CERD-based case at the ICJ since 2008. 1/20
#Armenia alleges that #Azerbaijan has subjected individuals of Armenian ethnic/national origin to racial discrimination for decades and fosters hatred towards Armenians as a matter of state policy. (Both parties acceded to the CERD in the 1990s.) 2/20
Armenia further alleges systemic discrimination, mass killings, and torture directed at ethnic Armenians by Azerbaijan, and specifically alleges grave CERD violations during the 2020 armed conflict re #NagarnoKarabakh 3/20
Since the end of that armed conflict, #Azerbaijan has allegedly subjected Armenian prisoners and detainees to abuse and mistreatment, and has created a ‘military trophy park’ in Baku that perpetrates racial hatred and anti-Armenian sentiment. 4/20
Armenia bases #ICJ jurisdiction on CERD art 22 (a provision now very familiar to ICJ-followers) & points to extensive evidence that the requirement of attempted (and failed) negotiations is met. It also describes CERD obligations as having an erga omnes partes character. 5/20
On the merits, #Armenia claims that #Azerbaijan has violated CERD arts 2-7 based on evidence of hate speech, atrocities and abuses, discrimination in access to justice, employment, housing, health and education, and destruction of cultural heritage sites. 6/20
The recently opened “military trophies park” in Baku receives particular attention for its “degrading and humiliating” depiction of Armenian soldiers. Here's a BBC piece about the park from April (bbc.com/news/world-eur…). 7/20
In addition to initiating the case, #Armernia requests provisional (i.e. emergency) measures from the #ICJ on the ground that Armenians under Azerbaijan's jurisdiction face a continuing risk of murder, torture or inhuman treatment on the basis of ethnic/national origin. 8/20
The PM request emphasizes alleged risks faced by Armenian soldiers who remain in Azerbaijani custody, including execution, torture, abuse, or rigged prosecutions. It also refers to the on-going destruction of cultural heritage sites, citing several examples. 9/20
To support the PM request, Armenia draws upon, in particular, the Court’s 2008 order in Georgia v Russia to argue that a situation of ongoing tension and instability, with a risk of CERD violations involving death or bodily harm, justifies the indication of PMs. 10/20
Armenia also invokes the PM order in #Jadhav (#India v #Pakistan) to support the proposition that protecting prisoners from a risk of irreparable harm, a risk exacerbated here by the hateful rhetoric described as state policy, is a proper basis for the indication of PMs. 11/20
Among the PMs requested, Armenia asks the #ICJ to order the immediate release of all Armenian POWs dating to the Sept 2020 war. This seems extremely unlikely. An order requiring prisoners to be treated in accordance with CERD arts 5-6 is more plausible. 12/20
Other requested measures include closure of the military trophies park (again, unlikely) and a broader request that Azerbaijan be ordered to refrain from espousing hatred towards people of Armenian ethnic/nat’l origin (vague but more plausible). 13/20
Further requested PMs relate to access to and protection of Armenian cultural and religious sites and venues in Azerbaijan. Measures along these lines seem plausible (and easier to monitor)—if the Court gets this far. 14/20
Following recent practice (see the 2020 Order in #TheGambia v #Myanmar), #Armenia also asks the #ICJ to require #Azerbaijan to make periodic reports to the Court on the implementation of whatever measures the Court may decide to indicate. 15/20
For reasons similar to those that @bruno_faucher, @AbbottKingsley and I spelled out in a different context (opiniojuris.org/2020/08/25/roh…), Armenia might want to consider asking the Court to require that such reports, if ordered, also be made available to public scrutiny. 16/20
In sum, it seems fair to describe #Armenia as seeking to channel its broader dispute with #Azerbaijan through the CERD—in order to access the #ICJ—by framing a broad range of grievances as #CERD violations, an approach we’ve seen before (#Ukraine v #Russia; #Qatar v #UAE). 17/20
In particular, #Armenia reframes various allegations of apparent IHL violations as CERD violations & seeks to fold a dispute about the Nov. 2020 ceasefire agreement (the provisions on prisoner exchange) into the case by portraying detainee mistreatment as a CERD violation. 18/20
To date no #CERD case at the #ICJ has been decided on the merits (Georgia v Russia, Qatar v UAE were dismissed; Ukraine v Russia is pending). It’s unclear whether any of those litigations could be deemed “successful” (a win on the merits is not the only measure of success). 19/20
But #CERD, with its compromissory clause & broadly-worded obligations, has certainly become an attractive option for states seeking to litigate. Will this #ICJ action contribute to a lasting peace b/w #Armenia & #Azerbaijan, or might it, regrettably, have the opposite effect? END

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More from @mabecker17

16 Oct 20
The #ICJ has named the four experts that it has commissioned to produce a report on #DRC’s damages claims in the #ArmedActivities case. I previously discussed the decision to seek this opinion. Now we have the list of names, which is very interesting. 1/14 icj-cij.org/public/files/c…
Recall that the expert opinion is supposed to address three heads of damages sought by the #DRC from #Uganda: (i) civilian deaths and compensation due; (ii) quantity and valuation of natural resources plundered; and (iii) scale and cost of property damage. 2/14
Questions have been raised within and beyond the Court about whether the task assigned to the experts amounts to derogation of the judicial function, unduly assists the DRC, or represents a prudent move on the Court's part to seek technical expertise in pursuit of justice. 3/14
Read 14 tweets
23 Sep 20
A few points of note on the #ICJ’s order deciding to appoint experts on the question of #reparations in #DRC v #Uganda, which is available here: icj-cij.org/files/case-rel… 1/19
Recall that in its 2005(!) judgment, the Court found that Uganda bore responsibility for unlawful use of force, unlawful intervention, atrocities inflicted upon the Congolese that violated IHRL and IHL, and the unlawful exploitation of natural resources. #ArmedActivities 2/19
For its part, the DRC bore responsibility for attacks on Ugandan diplomatic premises and personnel and for other conduct in breach of #VCDR obligations (but this will not be the subject of the expert opinion). 3/19
Read 20 tweets
17 Sep 20
Today marks the first meeting of the @WHO-established Independent Panel for Pandemic Preparedness & Response. The inquiry has its own snazzy website (theindependentpanel.org) and twitter account (@TheIndPanel). Panel is to agree on fact-finding methods & ways of working today.
The list of panel members is here (theindependentpanel.org/panel-members). Contrary to some earlier press reports, there is gender balance here (this is good). But absence of international law experience still jumps out to me given the many legal questions implicated by the #COVID19 pandemic.
@TheIndPanel has an ambitious schedule: interim reports due in November & January, a final report due in May. Is this enough time? The enormity of the task, depending on how mandate is construed, raises concerns. What kind of cooperation will they get from key actors (China, US)?
Read 4 tweets
5 Sep 20
UPDATE: In the ongoing litigation between #TheGambia and @Facebook in the US, The Gambia has submitted its response to FB’s surreply (meaning that the application for an order compelling discovery under §1782 has now been fully briefed). Here’s a rough summary: 1/12
Recall that Facebook’s position is that the Stored Communications Act, a US privacy law, would prevent it from being able to comply lawfully with the request for documents that #TheGambia seeks (including posts by #Myanmar officials & affiliated groups that FB removed). 2/12
#TheGambia takes a dim view of @Facebook’s arguments about the dangerous precedent this could set for privacy rights & argues that Facebook should want ‘genocidal conspirators who have abused Facebook’s platform’ to know their communications will not be protected. 3/12
Read 12 tweets
3 Sep 20
Update in #TheGambia v Facebook litigation in the US, where @Gambia_MOJ seeks a court order compelling Facebook to disclose various materials re #Myanmar. The Court has allowed another round of briefing, and @Facebook has filed a sur-reply. Here's what's happening. #Rohingya 1/11
Facebook argues that The Gambia’s application under §1782 asks for a subpoena with which Facebook could not lawfully comply. Recall that The Gambia seeks disclosure of posts by Myanmar officials & affiliated groups that FB has removed, plus drafts & private communications. 2/11
Facebook receives 1000s of requests from foreign gov'ts seeking user communications & it relies on the Stored Communications Act (SCA) to process them. FB says The Gambia’s approach would allow foreign gov'ts to obtain information about users w/out any legal process at all. 3/11
Read 11 tweets
2 Sep 20
Wow, this is a major development in #TheGambia v #Myanmar case at the #ICJ. The Netherlands and Canada have announced their joint intention to intervene in the case. #Rohingya #GenocideConvention canada.ca/en/global-affa…
The joint statement is thin on details, but Canada and The Netherlands will presumably seek to intervene as non-parties under Article 63 of the ICJ Statute (based on their status as parties to the #GenocideConvention).
I have previously raised doubts about the merits of intervention in this case. It can complicate the proceedings & may have limited (legal) benefit if states are simply expressing solidarity with #TheGambia. But it also creates opportunities to make complementary legal arguments.
Read 6 tweets

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