1. The release of this document is important in itself. Putting it together was a long and complex process. It was a difficult but valuable effort to bridge MS national interests/concerns & present a cohesive >>
"plan of action for strengthening the EU's #security and #defence policy by 2030."
2. The objective of making the EU "a stronger and more capable security provider" is rather ambitious. Especially since the doc admits that EU security & defense will be complementary to #NATO >>
"which remains the foundation of collective defence for its members".
3. However it should be noted that the objectives under the 1st of the 4 pillars (i.e. Act) can enhance the EU's military and security role. These include:
- a Rapid Deployment Capacity of up to 5000 troops>
- readiness to deploy 200 fully equipped CSDP mission experts
- regular live exercises on land and at sea
- enhanced military mobility
- reinforcement of #EU's civilian and military #CSDP missions and operations
- full use of the European Peace Facility to support partners
>>
4. In terms of the strategic environment and threat assessment, it shouldn't come as a surprise that #Russia is seems as the number one challenge, due to the #UkraineRussiaWar. Reminding here that this is also in line with the #US State Department's view on international malign>>
influences - #Russia, #China and #Iran.
For the #EU, China "is a partner for cooperation, an economic competitor and a systemic rival". It's therefore acknowledged that China is a potential threat (as an emerging global & non-western power), but also a crucial economic partner.>>
As such, the #EU seems to largely share the #US security perceptions. This can contribute to deeper transatlantic relations, notwithstanding the EU's moderate efforts towards strategic autonomy. To be sure these dynamics depend on various other issues as well. >>
5. Now regarding the #EastMed, there is a short but not insignificant section. The document refers to "provocations and unilateral actions against EU Member States and violations of
sovereign rights in breach of international law, as well as the instrumentalisation of >>
irregular
migration, and have the potential to escalate quickly; ensuring a stable and secure environment as
well as a cooperative and mutually beneficial relationship, in line with the principle of good-
neighbourly relations, is in the interest of both the EU and #Turkey." >
The text avoids connecting directly the unilateral provocations to #Turkey, but by the end of the paragraph the intention is clear. It should be noted that this inclusion was not easy to achieve. States such as #Cyprus and #Greece that among the most concerned w Turkey >>
included #Turkey as a threat but were very careful not to be Turkey-centred, demonstrating sensitivity w regard to shared and broader EU security concerns as well. Thus, the mention to Turkey was important and indicative of the EU-TR tensions over the past years, but >>
overall it was a rather moderate one.
Of course, #Turkey didn't see it that way. The TR Foreign Ministry published a statement (see pic) that discounted the text's wording trying, once again, to leverage TR's strategic significance for #NATO and the #EU to bypass criticism. >>
Generally, #StrategicCompass is an important document that takes the Union one step forward in matters of security, defense and even foreign policy. It will not magically solve the #EU's unity and autonomy problems. But we should see this as marathon, not a sprint. >>
And today, more than ever, also because of the #UkraineRussiaWar, it seems that the preconditions for a deeper EU integration are in place.
This chapter concludes the book. It takes the rest of the chapters into account to assess the maturity of the Republic of #Cyprus’ foreign policy, and examines whether the RoC has—or is able to develop—grand strategic capacities.
>>
I argue that the #Cyprus Problem has been inevitably and negatively affecting grand strategic formulation in the RoC even as it complicates and hinders the country’s day-to-day foreign policy and diplomatic practice.
After a tour in #Greece and #Cyprus, that aimed at appeasing their concerns, Israeli president was today visiting Turkey in the context of improving bilateral relations. Its the first visit by an Israeli president since 2008. >
Though allies since 1996, relations started to deteriorate as early as 2004 & took a huge blow in 2010 w the #MaviMarmara incident. Not going to get into that or the steps that followed towards normalization.
Την 28η Φεβ., εν όψη της επίσκεψης του Ισραηλινού προέδρου Χέρτζογκ σε Κύπρο (κ αργότερα Τουρκία), ο Ισραηλινός πρέσβης στην Κύπρο σχολίαζε τις εξελίξεις στις τουρκο-ισραηλινές σχέσεις. >>
Δήλωνε, μεταξύ άλλων, στον "Φ" πως οι σχέσεις στην Ανατολική Μεσόγειο δεν είναι "παιχνίδι με μηδενικό άθροισμα" - "η μια κίνηση δεν γίνεται σε βάρος της άλλης". Τον Νοε. του 2021, στο 17ο Συνέδριο το Economist στη Λευκωσία, ο τότε ΥπΕξ Ν. Χριστοδουλίδης δήλωνε: >>
"...είναι γεγονός ότι έχουν πλέον καλλιεργηθεί...σχέσεις καλής γειτονίας και έχει εμπεδωθεί μια νοοτροπία θετικής ατζέντας. ...συλλογικός στόχος παραμένει η δημιουργία μιας κατάστασης αμοιβαίου κέρδους, παρά ενός παιχνιδιού μηδενικού αθροίσματος για τα κράτη της περιοχής." >>
🧵Mια υπενθύμιση καθώς διεθνείς εντάσεις κ πόλωση βρσκουν έκφραση στον δημόσιο διάλογο, ενίοτε με τοξικό τρόπο κ πολλούς προσβεβλημένους: Η χρήση σαρκασμού, ειρωνίας, σάτιρας κ κωμωδίας είναι ένας εντελώς legit τρόπος σχολιασμού της (πολιτικής) πραγματικότητας> #UkraineRussianWar
Από τον Αριστοφάνη μέχρι την Φάρμα των Ζώων και από το Wag the Dog (1997) μέχρι τον Borat (2006 & 2020) κ τις καθημερινές/βραδινές σατιρικές εκπομπές τύπου Talk Show ή Stand Up ανά το παγκόσμιο, αυτού του είδους η πολιτική κριτική περνά μηνύματα και καυτηριάζει ίσως όσο καμία >
σοβαρή ή σοβαροφανής εκπομπή με πολιτικούς - ή κ αναλυτές - "talking heads", που επαναλαμβάνουν τα ίδια πράγματα ανεξαρτήτως του πότε ή του πού θα τους ακούσεις. Όπως φυσικά κ κάθε άλλη μορφή Τέχνης-πού να πρωτοαναφερθεί κανείς; Δεν είναι τυχαίο που αυτή ενίοτε φιμώνεται. >
There's been much speculation about an imminent #Turkey intervention in north #Syria (another one) 🧵
The rationale behind such a move would be threefold: 1. The Kurdish threat 2. Electoral tactics (which might backfire) 3. Revisionist plans-strategic leverage re #Syria's future
Can #Turkey go ahead? The short answers is "yes". The long answer is "it's complicated".
If previous interventions are any indication, two things we know: 1. TR prepares the ground diplomatically and 2. remains flexible during operations, negotiating the outcome.
A Turkish intervention would most likely mean that Ankara got the "green light" from #Russia and/or #US. A move west of Euphrates would mostly need the former; east of Euphrates, both.
In exchange, #Turkey would have to compromise as well vis-a-vis it's ideal objectives.
With #Turkey visiting #Egypt to normalize relations and an upcoming FM Summit between #Cyprus, #Greece, #Israel and #UAE on security and economy it seems that we have two parallel geopolitical dynamics shaping.
A. Turkey is trying to disrupt the emergent block of cooperation in the #Eastmed (that includes extra-regional actors) and deny international power multipliers from #Greece and #Cyprus in particular. Plus it promotes a different regional status quo, including on maritime zones. >
B. In parallel, #Greece, #Cyprus, #Israel and #UAE are trying to set up a different mechanism that will not be restricted by the dynamics & monothematic character of #EMGF. [UAE are unable to enter EMGF due to Palestinian veto]. This will allow them to enhance cooperation in >>