Martial Law did not just replace the old oligarchy with a fresh set, it also grew an entirely new class: corrupt and wealthy military officials. When Marcos declared Martial Law, soldiers were detailed to run civilian agencies and services. 
Military officers became managers and executives of companies.
Dependent on the military as he was, Marcos made sure the commanders were well rewarded.
Dependent on the military as he was, Marcos made sure the commanders were well rewarded.
Whistleblower Primitivo Mijares wrote how “military supporters have been given fabulously lucrative rackets in Manila to run as they please.” Becoming de facto governors of regions and provinces, the top brass hastened to carve out their little empires:
“A number of generals control the
flourishing smuggling in of luxury goods from abroad and smuggling out of premium export products, e.g. sugar, copra, lumber, cement, etc.”
flourishing smuggling in of luxury goods from abroad and smuggling out of premium export products, e.g. sugar, copra, lumber, cement, etc.”
While Enrile, together with businessman Cojuangco, obtained control of the coconut industry, the sugar industry was handed over to certain Army generals and colonels. The provinces of Negros and Quezon, heartland of sugar and coconut plantations, respectively,
were also the provinces where numerous human rights abuses, including tortures, salvaging, massacres and disappearances were documented. Many of the victims had merely stood up for their right to have a more just share of the fruits of Martial Law.
Marcos, Ver and Enrile rewarded choice officers with non-military posts. Enrile himself became the sequestrator of the Jacinto Group of Companies, which had defaulted on a P105- million loan from the US Export-Import Bank (EXIM Bank).
He hand-picked military chief Espino to chair the Jacinto board. Colonel Aruiza said he himself was appointed
Chief Executive Officer (CEO) of the flagship Jacinto Steel and Steel Sheets Corporation;
Chief Executive Officer (CEO) of the flagship Jacinto Steel and Steel Sheets Corporation;
and Colonel Gregorio “Gringo” honasan, became president of Beatriz Marketing and Trading Corporation of the Jacinto Group.
“Of the combined income of the 12 companies, 10% was set aside and divided among all the AFP officers, active or retired, who were with
“Of the combined income of the 12 companies, 10% was set aside and divided among all the AFP officers, active or retired, who were with
the Jacinto companies....All got their slice of the 10% which came up to a hefty sum,” Aruiza recalled. Honasan got his share even though he was an absentee CEO.
Aruiza added that in 1981, the new Chief-of-Staff General Ver decided to put in his own men.
Aruiza added that in 1981, the new Chief-of-Staff General Ver decided to put in his own men.
“He (Ver) recommended Lieutenant Colonel Narciso Abaya of West Point (Academy in the US), to be Officer-in-Charge of Mindanao Steel Corporation, and Lieutenant Colonel Melchor Rosales, (PMA) Class ‘68, to head the Rajah Broadcasting Network or radio station DZRJ.”
Mijares said that before Martial Law, “the nightclubs and restaurants could reverberate to sickening calls like ‘what will you have, Mr Senator or Mr. Congressman?’ while the beauty and mahjong parlors had ‘Mrs. Senator or Mrs. Congressman’ for their big patroness.” Under the new
dispensation, he sardonically wrote, “waitresses, waiters and/or hostesses in restaurants and nightclubs are usually heard addressing their customers as ‘general’, ‘colonel’, 'major’, ‘captain’, while the beauty and mahjong suites have for most of their
patrons ‘Mrs. General’, ‘Mrs Colonel’, ‘Mrs. Major’, or ‘Mrs. Captain’.”
The rank and file were quick to follow the example set by their leaders. The Philippine Constabulary, in particular, became infamous for abusive behavior, drunkenness and violence. Far from fighting crime,
The rank and file were quick to follow the example set by their leaders. The Philippine Constabulary, in particular, became infamous for abusive behavior, drunkenness and violence. Far from fighting crime,
PC units themselves became criminals. In 1985, US military and security analyst Larry Niksch reported that in Davao City and Cagayan de Oro City, PC officers and their men were mixed up in gambling dens, extortion and illegal logging.
In one instance, when authorities uncovered three criminal syndicates in Davao City in 1984, they discovered that PC enlisted men were involved in all of them.
“Abuse of power by the military,” said Time magazine in 1979, “has alienated millions of Filipinos from the government.”
“Abuse of power by the military,” said Time magazine in 1979, “has alienated millions of Filipinos from the government.”
For Senator Panfilo Lacson, Martial Law had lost its momentum within a few months of its declaration. At that time, he was a PC First Lieutenant and he told me that some generals had quickly spotted opportunities and “could get away with making money out of political prisoners.”
Officers had Arrest Search and Seizure Orders (ASSOs) pre-signed by Marcos, Ver or Enrile. These could be used to arrest both political and non-political prisoners.He said he noticed that suspects of ethnic Chinese background
would be hauled off to Camp Crame,
would be hauled off to Camp Crame,
detained there for two or three days then suddenly released. “Then we would hear that one million, two million pesos had exchanged hands,” he said. “It was so easy to accuse anyone.”
Eventually, ASSOs were merely xeroxed copies, he said.
Eventually, ASSOs were merely xeroxed copies, he said.
