Thread by @flanbites

The Intersectionality of Control

(As pertains to authoritarian lockdown of shared resources vital to continued human civilization.)

A thread in 3 parts:

I. Social Drivers
II. Inciting Techniques
III. False Flags vs. Real Solutions

#OneVoice1 🧵

DISCLAIMER: With this thread I seek to dissect the 2019 manifestation of white nationalism on a global scale. Therefore, “global white nationalism” refers not to localized racism or violence, but the collectivized, global nature of such threats today, which is unique in history.

I. Social Drivers

Global white nationalism is founded not on racism but the climate crisis.

Ethnonationalists—perhaps unwittingly—serve to protect capital interests while capital interests abet racism as a tactic.

Both misrepresent white identity as a means for human survival.

Social drivers constituent to racism build ethnonationalist communities.

One such driver is anxiety over losing a perceived shared identity.

Other drivers are fears of: the primordial “other”; loss of social status/wealth; change itself.

Fear drives ethnonationalism.

Studies have shown that in persons holding RW views, areas of the brain housing disgust and aversion to change are overdeveloped.

Our world is one of change, intermixture.

Ethnonationalists are vestigially incapable of confronting the modern era.

Fear drives racism.

Racism rejects difference and novelty. Unable to confront ethnic intermixture—modernity—racists avoid change.

As fear is foundational to their identity, racists are particularly vulnerable to marketing—which is, at its most effective, packaged fear.

Marketing is the primary communications medium of capital interests.

Via marketing, capital interests foster a climate of fear via subsidiary media organs. In many instances these efforts are targeted to those segments of the population most vulnerable to fear: racists.

Like racists, capital interests loathe change. Unknowns represent risk; loss.

Once grown to sufficient size, capital interests seek to control their markets as an evolutionary prerogative.

Capital interests consolidate—via hedge funds and other wealth aggregators—centralized control of transnational corporations, which act as proxies.

Such corporations seek to marketize the public sphere until liberal governance itself is captured by capital interests.

Marketing comprises today’s internet. A de-democratization of the internet began in the early 2000s, which has resulted in an online commons controlled by capital interests via tech monopolies.

Capital interests control our online commons.

Capital seeks capital.

Monopolization is the primary growth vector of a global economy founded on extraction of non-renewable resources.

Fossil and tech are necessarily intertwined due to their lifeblood springing from the same money (as represented by wealth aggregators).

Both tech and war are markets predicated on extraction of non-renewable resources; fossil.

Supply-side economics has fostered hyper-consumerism, leading to outsized capital and ecological threat.

In this manner Chomsky’s “private tyrannies” control both supply and demand.

Multipolar capital interests aggregate, resulting in monopolies controlled via hedge funds et al; these dictate global markets.

Demand for weapons is dictated by conflict; non-renewables by consumption; etc.

To maintain demand, alternatives—peace, green energy—are squelched.

Marketing fosters consumption.

In our global economy, the biggest money always wins; it’s set up that way; the biggest money—capital interest—controls global markets.

Foremost among these markets are war and tech.

Fossil comprises nearly our entire global economy.

The 11 sectors of our global market economy:

Energy
Materials
Industrials
Consumer Discretionary
Consumer Staples
Health Care
Financials
Information Technology
Telecommunication Services
Utilities
Real Estate

Of the top 10 largest corporations by revenue globally, 7 are fossil.

Nearly all sectors of our global economy are constituent or adjunct to—or comprised by—fossil.

All sectors of consumer-based markets are predicated on extraction of non-renewables.

Due to energy and transport of material, all sectors are at least tangentially related to fossil.

Money has gravity. Open investment by capital interests into tech monopolies means those capital interests now control the internet by way of data storage and revenue capture (advertising).

Capital interests have weaponized the internet for marketing purposes.

Capital interests seek to protect their markets. Without markets capital interests would not exist.

Capital interests market white nationalism to an enthusiast racist audience in order to create a society affording their primary market—fossil—its greatest chance at survival.

II. Inciting Techniques

Every authoritarian movement aggregates about a strongman/superstructure which offers solutions to a perceived threat.

In the case of global white nationalism, this threat is migration caused by the climate crisis.

Migration caused by the climate crisis serves to reinforce autocratic promises and threats.

Never mind that the climate crisis was caused by capital interests adjunct to those strongmen; autocratic leadership by way of captive media espouse infallibility.

Such strongmen have adopted white nationalism as a means of inclusion for fringe elements of the population: (hardcore) racists.

Both have determined whiteness to be a convenient basis for the choice of who gets to survive the climate crisis.

The fact of the threat (climate crisis), caused by the same capital interests who now offer a solution to their industries’ inevitable outcome (societal collapse), has dictated, by existential necessity of their primary market (fossil), a dire solution (authoritarian control).

Capital interests caused the climate crisis in refusing to transition from their primary market. This has caused migrations, which stir white nationalistic sentiment; racism is channeled into popular support for dictatorial control—a support falsely amplified by captive media.

III. False Flags vs. Real Solutions

Our information economy is molded on our global market economy. Communications—marketing—platforms have been monopolized by a handful of multinational corporations.

By way of capital interests, these intersect with state apparatus worldwide.

As corporations communicate via marketing, so has the internet become market-driven, so too is our online commons coopted by attempts at further consolidation of resources within a finite market whose endpoint has been embraced by capital interests to the point of cataclysm.

The apocalypse is good for business (or at least next-quarter earnings).

What isn’t good for business:

Free and mobile populations.
Open, non-proprietary exchange of information.
Collective action.
Democracy.

Personal autonomy and freedom of choice exist in direct counter-proportion to monopoly.

Both choice and autonomy represent change—as do progressive movements.

Monopolism at its endpoint is conservative in nature, during its accrual, regressive—in sympathy with its constituency.

Racists are monopoly’s constituency.

Regressive policy seeks to constrain progressivism of any sort; opponents of authoritarian and monopolistic control are punished for their very existence, their counteraction to an authoritarian state.

Racism is ultimately conservative in nature; racists embrace both autocracy and monopoly in exchange for conservation of identity.

Such conservation requires separation between cultures—and thereby the maintenance of a perceived shared identity, a preservation from “corruption.”

Given the fringe status of (hardcore) racists, capital interests foster a series of media-based false flags in order to weld them to similarly aligned ideologies, such as religious fundamentalism (eg US dominionism) and even capital interests themselves (monopolists).

Examples of media false flags:

•The 2018–19 migrant “caravan”
•QAnon
•Miscasting impeachment as a “coup”

These threat-based belief schemas rally fringe elements together about a strongman; media controlled by capital perpetrate a strategic amplification of a vocal minority.

Just as a single man with a rifle holds a crowd hostage, so might capital interests possessing nuclear weaponry hold captive the globe.

Kleptocracy is the means toward this end—as implemented in Russia, release-tested in Ukraine and presently seeing rollout in the US, via Trump.

Authoritarian models such as Trumpism rely on a regurgitation of classical 20th-century fascism as melded with modern consumerism. Such is reliant on fossil; such is franchised globally via centralized capture of media by capital—now state—interests, who control fossil.

The capture of resources and weaponry via outright theft by strongmen on behalf of capital interests is concomitant with a decades-long horizontal intersection at the topmost reaches of power. Nation states are increasingly irrelevant as state and private capital integrate.

In order to protect the fossil market, the climate crisis—by way of captive media—is framed as a hoax and all deleterious outcomes relegated to fiction, or framed as originating from alternate sources—such as migration.

This is used to foster white nationalistic sentiment.

White nationalistic sentiment engenders movements favorable to conservatism and strongmen.

Right-wing fringes coagulate about likely candidates for autocracy as presented by media servile to capital interests, who are in turn reliant on fossil—which drives the climate crisis.

Media false flags—much like the amplification of vocal minorities used to raise strongmen to power—conjure scapegoats out of marginalized communities, who, ironically, are most punished by the outcome (climate crisis) of capital interests (fossil).

The rise of minority rule stimulates outrage among the majority of a population; this rage is then fomented by media in a manner intended to diffuse.

Instead of direct targets or causes against whom to focus societal rage, solutions present as unattainable—conflict, inevitable.

Conflict plays into the hands of capital interests.

Media strategies intended to fracture a society include:

•Persuasion
•Neg-empathy
•Reflexive control

All three have been used for decades, in various iterations, by intelligence services worldwide.

Persuasion: Soft actions engendering sympathy or alignment with beliefs.

Includes: charisma of demagogic populists; threats or targeted harassment; mass-scale forms of peer—cultural or in-group—pressures.

In today’s media landscape, all such propaganda should feel familiar.

Neg-empathy: Consumerist attitudes necessitating the degradation of social ties in order to benefit the self; isolation; fracturing of society into adversarial “tribes”; universal stressors presented as non-universal, which are then attributed to an out-group (eg migrants).

Reflexive control: Capital interests mainstream racist concerns via amplification of the vocal minority; captive media treat as legitimate perceived false traits attributed to marginalized communities, which leads a society to conclude in a full-spectrum devaluation of humanity.

As popular outrage has no democratic outlet due to state organs held captive by capital interests, the inevitable conclusion is violence.

Once violence is attained, solutions both public and clandestine are then offered by capital interest–controlled state and media organs.

In order to reach real solutions to the universal threat of the climate crisis—represented here by capital-fomented, global white nationalism—we must learn to identify and resist three prongs of attack:

•Demagoguery
•Asymmetrical warfare—terrorism
•Misrepresentation of scale

Modern demagoguery is a form of celebrity worship: Media elevate personalities who assume precedence over movements, which in contrast would encourage actual, substantive progress.

Beware false idols espoused by media: Men may be corrupted while an idea galvanizes change.

Global white nationalist terror events are a form of asymmetrical warfare, in which an inferior force effects outsized impact.

In the media, terror is largely attributed to Islamic sources—another factor fomenting racism—while RW terror is framed in terms of firearm legislation.

In Nazi Germany a political minority seized control of both state and industry, merging the two.

Today, active misrepresentation of scale by media has transformed a relatively tiny “dark bolide” of hard authoritarian support into the perception of a country divided.

The US is not as divided as captive media lead us to believe.

Their amplification of a real threat is intended to present that threat as insurmountable, thereby encouraging despair.

However, real solutions do exist; the threat is not interminable.

Herein lies the essence of the primary stratagem of capital interests fomenting global white nationalism:

“To fight and conquer in all our battles is not supreme excellence; supreme excellence consists in breaking the enemy's resistance without fighting.” Sun Tzu, The Art of War

Our enemy holds captive both resources and derivative capital, but their segregation into a hard authoritarian model is their undoing.

Their weakness is a lack of imagination; indeed, fascism is a war on the mind, on the imagination.

In thinking freely we find real solutions.

In an age of threat our best defense is non-violence.

Non-violence is a manifestation of humanity.

Our enemy’s primary stratagem is to degrade our humanity, our dignity, turning us on one another, turning us into them.

By retaining our humanity we undo their primary stratagem.

“When it gets down to having to use violence, then you are playing the system’s game… Because once they’ve got you violent, then they know how to handle you. The only thing they don’t know how to handle is non-violence and humor.” John Lennon

Joy is our greatest manifestation.

In joy lies freedom. Passion stimulated by positive pursual of goals spurs one toward fulfillment, a sense of self-worth—of dignity.

Herein lies the pursuit of happiness.

Life comprises fulfillment whose engine is activated by means of worthwhile endeavor.

Herein lies liberty.

Capital interests by way of global white nationalism seek to destroy our common dignity—our humanity.

In pursuit of monopoly they have driven fringe elements—the worst of us—toward cataclysm in the form of the climate crisis, at times using religious justifications for this end.

“…Empathy—the…imagination that allows us to put ourselves in the shoes of other people—is what makes us human.” CBC

Our enemy is, by this definition, inhuman; our fight is against inhumanity itself—a forced devolution into organic machines to be exploited by capital interests.

Our next age will stem from creative solutions. In creating lithe alternatives to outmoded control structures, we remain nimble enough to navigate—and propagate—change both sudden and sustained.

In the end we must not redefine what it is to be human, but rather rediscover it. 🧶