No need to take our word for it, Devin—we've documented all of the contacts between the Trump campaign and Russia in our report. Here are all 70 of them:
In January 2016, Trump’s personal attorney Michael Cohen emailed Putin’s spokesman Dmitry Peskov for assistance starting development on Trump Tower Moscow. (1/70)
On March 14, George Papadopoulos met with the Kremlin-linked professor Joseph Mifsud in London. (2/70)
On March 24, Papadopoulos met again with Mifsud and the “Female Russian National,” who he was told was Putin’s niece. (3/70)
On April 10, Papadopoulos emailed the “Female Russian National” to tell her about his role as a Trump campaign adviser. (4/70)
On April 11, Trump’s campaign chairman Paul Manafort emailed Konstantin Kilimnik, a former member of Russian intelligence, asking if Oleg Deripaska was following the coverage of Manafort joining the Trump campaign. (5/70)
On April 11, Kilimnik emailed Manafort back confirming that Deripaska was following the coverage. (6/70)
On April 11, Manafort emailed Kilimnik back, asking, “How do we use to get whole?” (7/70)
On April 11, the Female Russian National emailed Papadopoulos saying she “would be very pleased to support [his] initiatives between [their] two countries.” (8/70)
On April 11, Papadopoulos emailed the Female Russian National back about possibly arranging a foreign policy trip to Russia. (9/70)
On April 11, Mifsud replied to Papadopoulos to say that the plan “is already been agreed [sic].” (10/70)
On April 11, the Female Russian National replied to Papadopoulos, saying, “We are all very excited about the possibility of a good relationship with Mr. Trump. The Russian Federation would love to welcome him once his candidature would be officially announced.” (11/70)
On April 18, Mifsud introduced Papadopoulos via email to an individual claiming to have connections to the Russian Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Ivan Timofeev. (12/70)
Between April 18 and April 22, Papadopoulos had a Skype call with Timofeev. (13/70)
On April 22, Papadopoulos emailed Timofeev. (14/70)
On April 22, Timofeev emailed Papadopoulos back. (15/70)
Between April 22 and May 4, Paapdopoulos and Timofeev had email communications setting up another conversation over Skype. (16/70)
Between April 22 and May 4, Papadopoulos and Timofeev had at least two conversations over Skype. (17/70)
On April 26, Mifsud told Papadopoulos that Russians had “dirt” on Hillary Clinton in the form of “thousands of emails” during a meeting in London. (18/70)
On April 27, Jeff Sessions and Jared Kushner met with Russian ambassador Sergey Kislyak at the Mayflower Hotel in Washington, D.C., before Trump’s first foreign policy speech. (19/70)
On April 29, Papadopoulos emailed the Female Russian National about a potential trip to Russia. (20/70)
On April 30, Papadopoulos contacted Mifsud to thank him “for his ‘critical help’ in arranging a meeting between the Campaign and the Russian government.” (21/70)
In early May, Manafort met with Kilimnik to discuss the campaign. (22/70)
On May 4, Timofeev emailed Papadopoulos claiming to have spoken with his colleagues in the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, who were “open for cooperation.” (23/70)
On May 8, Timofeev emailed Papadopoulos about putting him in touch with the “MFA head of the U.S. desk.” (24/70)
In mid May, Timofeev set up another Skype call with Papadopoulos to discuss the “good reaction from the U.S. desk at the MFA.” (25/70)
On May 13, Mifsud emailed Papadopoulos, saying, “we will continue to liaise through you with the Russian counterparts in terms of what is needed for a high level meeting of Mr. Trump with the Russian federation.” (26/70)
On May 21, Donald Trump Jr. dined with a Russian central banker at the NRA national convention. (27/70)
On June 6 or June 7, Donald Trump Jr. had a phone call with Emin Agalarov, who would help set up the June 9 meeting in Trump Tower. (28/70)
On June 6 or June 7, Trump Jr. had a second phone call with Emin Agalarov, who would help set up the June 9 meeting in Trump Tower. (29/70)
On June 6 or June 7, Trump Jr. had a third phone call with Emin Agalarov, who would help set up the June 9 meeting in Trump Tower. (30/70)
On June 9, Trump Jr., Kushner, and Manafort met in Trump Tower with Natalia Veselnitskaya, Rob Goldstone, Anatoli Samochornov, Rinat Akhmetshin, and Irakly Kaveladze to discuss damaging information on Hillary Clinton. (31/70)
On June 19, Papadopoulos and Timofeev initiated the first of “several email and Skype exchanges,” during which Timofeev suggested that a campaign official come to Russia for a meeting. (32/70)
On June 19, Papadopoulos and Timofeev had at least one conversation over Skype to discuss the possibility of a campaign official coming to Russia for a meeting. (33/70)
On July 7, Manafort emailed Kilimnik offering private briefings on the campaign to an aide of Deripaska, who claims Manafort owes him at least $19 million. (34/70)
On July 7 or July 8, Carter Page met with Andrey Baranov, the head of investor relations at Rosneft, while in Moscow to give a speech. (35/70)
On July 7 or 8, Page also met with Russian Deputy Prime Minister Arkady Dvorkovich while in Moscow. (36/70)
On July 14, Papadopoulos emailed Timofeev trying to set up a meeting between Trump team officials and Russian officials. (37/70)
On July 18, Sessions keynoted a luncheon in Cleveland, where he met with Kislyak a second time. (38/70)
On July 18, Page and J.D. Gordon, the Trump campaign’s Director of National Security, met with Kislyak at the Republican National Convention in Cleveland. (39/70)
On July 29, Kiliminik emailed Manafort suggesting they meet a second time. (40/70)
On July 29, Manafort responded, agreeing to meet with Kilimnik a second time. (41/70)
In August, Manafort met with Kilimnik a second time. (42/70)
On August 14, Roger Stone sent a direct message over Twitter to Guccifer 2.0, who was recently reported to be an officer in the GRU. (43/70)
On August 15, Guccifer 2.0 responded to Stone, thanking him for the outreach. (44/70)
On August 15, Stone replied, asking Guccifer 2.0 to retweet a link. (45/70)
On August 17, Guccifer 2.0 sent Stone multiple direct messages, praising Stone and offering assistance. (46/70)
On September 8, Sessions met for a third time with Kislyak in his Senate office in D.C., discussing Russia, terrorism, and Ukraine. (47/70)
On September 9, Guccifer 2.0 sent Stone a direct message containing a link to hacked voter turnout data from the DCCC. Guccifer 2.0 also provided the information to a Republican political operative, who published it on his blog. (48/70)
On September 9, Stone replied to Guccifer 2.0 confirming he had received the message and looked at the data. (49/70)
On September 20, WikiLeaks contacted Trump Jr. via Twitter, giving him login credentials for the website for an anti-Trump PAC. (50/70)
On September 21, Trump Jr. replied, thanking WikiLeaks. (51/70)
On October 3, WikiLeaks contacted Trump Jr. on Twitter, asking him to “comment on/push” a story about Hilary Clinton. (52/70)
On October 3, Trump Jr. replied, confirming he already had pushed the story and asking WikiLeaks about a leak that had been foreshadowed by a tweet from Stone. (53/70)
On October 12, WikiLeaks contacted Trump Jr. urging him to ask his father to tweet a WikiLeaks link, which Trump did 15 minutes later. WikiLeaks also suggested Trump not concede if he lost and instead claim the election was rigged. (54/70)
On October 13, after WikiLeaks claimed they had not communicated with Stone, he sent WikiLeaks a direct message “about his defense of Assange and the organization.” (55/70)
On October 13, WikiLeaks responded to Stone, suggesting he stop claiming an association with WikiLeaks. (56/70)
On October 15, Stone responded to WikiLeaks, suggesting they “figure out who [their] friends are.” (57/70)
On November 9, WikiLeaks sent a direct message to Stone saying that, after the election, they were “more free to communicate.” (58/70)
In December, Kushner and Michael Flynn met with Kislyak in Trump Tower to discuss “the possibility of setting up a secret and secure communications channel between Trump’s transition team and the Kremlin.” (59/70)
In December, at Kislyak’s suggestion, Kushner met with Sergey Gorkov, the president of the Russian state-run bank VEB. The White House has claimed the meeting was diplomatic, while VEB claimed it was about Kushner’s business. (60/70)
On December 22, Flynn contacted Kislyak about a UN resolution on the issue of Israeli settlements, urging Russia to oppose the resolution. (61/70)
On December 25, Flynn texted Kislyak. (62/70)
On December 29, after the Obama administration announced its sanctions on Russia, Flynn called Kislyak to coordinate the responses of the Trump transition team and the Russian government. (63/70)
On December 29, Flynn called Kislyak a second time. (64/70)
On December 29, Flynn called Kislyak a third time. (65/70)
On December 29, Flynn called Kislyak a fourth time. (66/70)
On December 29, Flynn called Kislyak a fifth time. At some point between the five calls, he also called back to the Trump transition team at Mar-a-Lago. (67/70)
On December 31, Kislyak called Flynn to inform him that Russia did not retaliate against the recent sanctions “at the Trump team’s request.” (68/70)
On January 17, Blackwater founder Erik Prince, “present[ing] himself as an unofficial envoy for Trump,” met with the head of the Russian Direct Investment Fund in the Seychelles to “establish a back channel between the incoming administration and the Kremlin.” (69/70)
Between January 17 and January 20, Anthony Scaramucci met with the head of RDIF, after which he criticized U.S. sanctions on Russia. (70/70)
That's 70 contacts, including 22 meetings, involving 12 campaign or transition officials at least 10 others on the campaign and transition knew about at least one of the contacts. That's what House Intel was supposed to be investigating.
Instead, they did as little as they could before releasing a report aimed at covering for Trump and his people. For the information they tried to bury, read our full report here.
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themoscowproject.org/explainers/tru…
