Thread by @ErikLoomis

This Day in Labor History: November 25, 1865. Mississippi institutes its notorious Black Codes, regulating the labor and behavior of freed slaves, reinstituting slavery in all but name. Let's talk about how we have to understand slavery and its aftermath as a labor system.

First, as I have said frequently in this series, we have to think about slavery primarily as a labor system. That was the whole point. Yes, it was about racial control. But that was a racial control for blacks to labor for whites for free and for eternity.

If we don't talk about slavery and its aftermath in terms of economics and work, we simply don't understand why it existed. And that then helps undermine black economic justice today, which happens all the time in how we strip economic demands from the struggle's history.

The impact of slavery’s end is hard to overestimate. But the Emancipation Proclamation did not free any slaves immediately and the ratification of the 13th Amendment did not take place until well after the war’s end.

The federal government was woefully unprepared, both in manpower and ideas, for ensuring that the rights of ex-slaves were respected after the war.

Sure, slavery might be effectively dead as of April 14, 1865, when Robert E. Lee surrendered to Ulysses S. Grant at Appomattox Court House, but was the U.S. military there to enforce freedom on the plantations? Largely, no.

The immediate months after the war were filled with violence as whites killed newly freed people in the countryside, especially as they began to flee for cities like Memphis and New Orleans. For cotton planters, this black flight was a real threat.

They prospered on owning black labor. If they couldn’t own that labor, planters at least needed to keep it on the land to pick the cotton that might allow them to rebuild their economic base.

The Black Codes thus intended to trap black labor in place. The plantation elite’s top goal immediately upon emancipation was to corral black labor, whose core goal was to avoid the plantation labor system, preferably replacing it with small farms they owned.

The Black Codes intended to prevent this. Building upon the slave codes regulating black behavior, and especially black movement, before the war, the Black Codes was the South’s statement to the North that the end of the war did not mean the end of white supremacy.

Blacks would have to show a written contract of employment at the start of each year, ensuring they were laboring for a white employer. At the core of the Mississippi code and copied around the South was the vagrancy provision.

“Vagrancy” was a term long used in the United States to crack down on workers not doing what employers or the police wanted them to do. In this case, it meant not working for a white person.

Mississippi did not allow blacks to rent land for themselves. Rather, all blacks in rural areas must labor for a white under 1-year contracts. They did not have the option to quit working for that white person.

If a black person in the countryside was found not working for a white person, the state would contract that worker out to a private landowner and receive a portion of their wages.

If a black person could not pay high taxes levied on them by the state, they would be charged the vagrancy and the same process would result. As during slavery, any white person could legally arrest any black person.

A Fugitive Slave Act-like provision was included that made it illegal to assist a black person from leaving their landowner with real punishments for whites who did so. That provision also stated that blacks caught running away would lose their wages for the year.

Children whose parents could not take care of them, as defined by the whites of Mississippi, would be bonded to their former owners. Other forms of black behavior were also criminalized, such as preaching without a license or “insulting” language toward whites.

Interracial marriage, it goes without saying, was banned as well.

In other words, Mississippi reinstituted slavery.

Other southern states quickly built on Mississippi’s black codes. South Carolina barred blacks from any occupation other than farmer or servant unless they played a very steep annual tax that sought to pauperize the large free black community in Charleston.

Virginia included in its vagrancy law anyone who refused to work for the “usual and common wages given to other laborers” in order to eliminate whites competing for black labor.

Florida’s Black Code allowed whites to whip those who broke their labor contract and then be sold for a year. Texas and Louisiana mandated that women and children who could work be working in the fields.

The response in the North to these laws was largely one of outrage. While at the beginning of the war, northern whites could legitimately argue the war was about restoring the union and not slavery, no one could make that argument by the end of the war.

When word of this got out, the North, unclear what path toward Reconstruction it would take and still reeling from the death of Abraham Lincoln six months earlier, was finally moved to take more decisive action against increasingly recalcitrant ex-Confederates.

Quickly after its passage, General O.O. Howard, head of the Freedman’s Bureau, declared the Black Code invalid.

Congress met just a few weeks later for the first time since the end of the war. At this Congress, the South also sent ex-Confederate leaders such as former vice-president Alexander Stephens to represent them.

Taken together, this led to the rise of Congressional Reconstruction and the war between Congress and President Andrew Johnson, who had fully committed to white supremacy in Reconstruction by this time.

As the Southern elite did during the 15 years before the Civil War, its aggressive overreach created northern white backlash that then led to a significant commitment to black rights.

That might not have lasted very long, but it did ensure that as unfair as postwar labor relations would become, they wouldn't be slavery.

Congressional Reconstruction would void the black codes and put off the violent suppression of southern black labor for several years, opening at least the possibility of a future that provided the freed slaves dignity, although it was not to be thanks to white supremacy.

In the end, it was sharecropping that would define the postwar southern agricultural labor force, not bonded black labor.

Sharecropping did of course strongly exploit African-American labor, but it still provided ex-slaves more control over their lives than desired by the white plantation elite, who would largely be unable to recreate their economic dominance after the war.

This is just one of many moments in which we can look at the Black Freedom Struggle and see how labor and how free or not it would be was absolutely central to it. But from the Civil War to the March on Washington, we as a society erase economic emancipation from the struggle.

The short version of why is that it is much easier for whites--and sometimes for black elites--to talk about civil rights than it is to talk about economic justice, which challenges power in a different way.

The second chapter of my new book tries to help fix this problem by looking at the most important strike in American history--the Slave General Strike--which also includes the aftermath, such as the Black Codes.

amazon.com/History-Americ…

But there is so much great literature out there that will help you understand the centrality of labor and economics to slavery. Of course, you can't go wrong with Foner's Reconstruction, even if it is 30 years old and dated in some ways.

amazon.com/Reconstruction…

Cotton was central to all the entire system of capitalism and remains so today. So read some Sven Beckert, among so many others, on that.

amazon.com/Empire-Cotton-…

Read some Tera Hunter on how black women sought to control their own lives and labor after the Civil War.

amazon.com/Joy-My-Freedom…

Read some Bruce Levine on how the end of slavery just completely transformed everything about the South.

amazon.com/Fall-House-Dix…

Read some Stacey Smith on how these questions of race and labor and freedom were just as salient in the West with Native Americans as in the South.

amazon.com/Freedoms-Front…

Read some Thavolia Glymph on how these questions affected the plantation household.

amazon.com/Out-House-Bond…

There is so much for you to read on these issues. But the point is, you can help change the narrative of how we talk about slavery and the Black Freedom Struggle.

Back tomorrow with another trip to the South--the Cuban cigar workers in Tampa and their 1931 strike.