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This. A hundred times this. We're in a moment when our politicians and our media need to be *educators* as well as advocates. This is the sort of thread that media outlets themselves could and should be doing when they're reporting on complex stories involving technical terms. 👇
1/ I'd add to this that, per POLITICO, Kremlin agent Konstantin Kilimnik told political operatives in Europe that his negotiations with the Trump team got the RNC platform changed after (per Trump aides) Trump directed that it be changed. That's a confession regarding collusion.
2/ THE NEW YORKER reports Israeli Joel Zamel, introduced to Team Trump by Netanyahu's longtime Chief of Staff, not only offered the Trumps collusive pre-election help on August 2, 2016—to which offer Jr. said *yes*—post-election he said the collusion happened. Another confession.
3/ Longtime Trump-Saudi intermediary George Nader—who partnered with Zamel during the campaign, then *paid him* after (following Zamel asking Nader to get his Saudi/UAE friends to fund pre-election collusion)—has told Mueller Trump aides lied about related meetings. A confession.
4/ George Birnbaum, the man who introduced Zamel (who worked for Kremlin-linked oligarchs Rybolovlev and Deripaska) to Manafort's deputy Gates, was *also* the boss of the man (Tony Fabrizio) whose polling Manafort gave to Deripaska's agent Kilimnik. This is how conspiracy works.
5/ In January 2018, Trump told friends by phone, per NBC, that *Manafort was the guy* who could bring him (Trump) down if he "flipped" on him, which definitionally means Trump was telling friends that Manafort could incriminate him. Well, Manafort could—and we know *exactly* how.
6/ So we have Netanyahu's agent Birnbaum; Trump's agents Manafort/Gates; Deripaska's agents Zamel/Kilimnik; and, to top it off, apparent secret meetings—two—between Trump himself and Zamel's other former boss (Rybolovlev) in the 10 days pre-election. All via major media reports.
7/ Around these events we have confirmed (a) secret (b) lied-about (c) related meetings involving Kushner, Bannon, Prince, Flynn, Jr., Nader, the Crown Prince of the UAE, the head of a Saudi assassination program, and the general charged with running point on Khashoggi's murder.
8/ These entwined 2016 events confirm that the Saudis and the UAE did indeed, as Zamel requested of their emissary Nader, fund a disinformation campaign that Zamel then delivered in conjunction with the Kremlin, an Israeli business intelligence company, and *Cambridge Analytica*.
9/ That's right, Zamel and Cambridge Analytica entered into a deal and *we've seen it*. Nader is confirmed to have paid Zamel $2 million. Zamel is confirmed to have said he did it. Zamel is confirmed to have asked the Saudis/UAE to pay for it. And Nader confirms that they did so.
10/ All of that's ~2% of the evidence I have in Proof of Collusion and its sequel Proof of Conspiracy. Maybe less. Yet it underscores that when Swalwell talks about circumstantial evidence, he's right to focus us on that *and* keep wide open the existence of direct evidence, too.
PS/ I didn't want to be involved in researching all this. I have other things to do. But I have a skillset—as an author, educator, attorney, former investigator and social media theorist—that allows me to be helpful in educating the public on this. My bio: sethabramson.net/bio
NOTE/ The people who have the background to do this research (whether a legal, investigative, Russian Studies, financial crimes, or any other background) are not sweating what all these far-right morons are saying. This *happened*—it's the waiting for consequences that's painful.
NOTE2/ Any time one of these Trump dead-enders wants to put their credentials against mine in terms of having the relevant education, knowledge, experience, training, and other bona fides (e.g., a book on this subject) to speak with authority on this topic, they should feel free.
NOTE3/ In other words, I've put in the work, and I have a lifetime in public service to confirm that when I try to be helpful to my community it's because I believe that's important. My work—and that of the scores of other hardworking Trump-Russia analysts—will soon be validated.
