According to media estimates, ca. 4,000 PEGIDA followers and slightly less (but vocal!) counterprotestors were present (ca. 2,500 to 3,000). This makes Dresden again unique: unlike elsewhere in Germany, far-right sympathizers outnumbered their opponents. (2/7)
The presence of Höcke underlines the strong standing of him & his far-right “Der Flügel” within AfD. Despite internal criticism of his presence (the Hamburg branch with elections on Sunday was very much against it), there was only limited public criticism by AfD colleagues. (3/7)
Höcke gave a way too long speech, questioning the legitimacy of Germany’s political elites (especially Merkel). It wasn’t PEGIDA leader Bachmann (long criminal record!), but another activist who introduced Höcke. Out of consideration for AfD, according to Bachmann. (4/7)
For PEGIDA, Höcke’s presence meant recognition. By now, the group’s Monday event has become a “protest ritual” (Herold, Schäller & Vorländer) without much energy, followed by 1,000 regulars. They don’t even chant “Wir sind das Volk” anymore. Höcke made them feel important. (5/7)
Importantly, this time even the (conservative) local branches of CDU and FDP called for demonstrations against PEGIDA and Höcke. After the Thuringia disaster – when Höcke was key in electing a CDU-supported FDP politician as regional governor – this was an important sign. (6/7)
.@BerntzenLE and I recently published a chapter on the complex relationship between PEGIDA and AfD since 2014 (researchgate.net/publication/32…). Its title "Remaining on the Streets" describes perhaps the most puzzling aspect of PEGIDA in Dresden: it's longevity, on a small scale. (7/7)
